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The Emperor Charlemagne. 

Durer's paiuting (1510). showing the insignia of later Emperors^ Contempo- 

raiT portraits all show Charlemagne without a beard. 



ESSENTIALS 



IN 



MEDIEVAL HISTORY 



(FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO THE CLOSE OF THE 
FIFTEENTH CENTURY) 



BY 

SAMUEL BANNISTER HARDING, Ph.D. 

PROFF.8SOR OF EUROPEAN lirsTOKV, INDIANA UNIVERSITY 

IN CONSULTATION WITH 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, LL.D. 

PKOFE8SOR OK HISTORY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY 



NEW YORK .-CINCINNATI.:. CHICAGO 

AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 



■^ 



^^\^ 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
Two CoDies Received 

MAR 15 1U09 

Copyriffit fcntry 

CLASS a. XXC. No. 

COPY 3. 



Copyright, 1905, 1909, by 
SAMUEL BANNISTER HARDING. 

Enterko at Stationkks' Hall, London. 



ESSEN. MEU. HIST. 



>/ 



PREFACE 

In a large number of colleges, the first course in European 
history consists of a general survey of mediaeval and modern 
history ; and with the increased acceptance by secondary 
schools of the programme in history prepared by the Com- 
mittee of Seven of the American Historical Association, it is 
becoming feasible to begin such a course with the time of 
Charlemagne. Even with this limitation, however, it is still 
a problem, in many institutions, how to cover in the limited 
time at the disposal of the instructor the many topics which 
such a course should comprise. Especially is this the case 
now that the best authorities — wisely enough — are insisting 
upon a fuller and more detailed treatment of more recent 
history, that included (let us say) within the limits of the last 
century and a half. The great problem is, then, how to com- 
press the earlier part of the course so as to give adequate time 
for the more vital things nearer our own day. 

One way which has been proposed for accomplishing this 
is the elimination of a great deal of what is usually taught 
concerning the political history of the Middle Ages. One 
advocate of this method proposes the heroic policy of skipping 
directly from Charlemagne to Otto I. The author of this book 
believes heartily in the principle underlying this proposal, 
though he doubts the wisdom of its literal application. By 
careful selection of the facts to be taught, and placing them 
in text-book form in the. hands of students, he believes that 
it is X30ssible to accomplish the needful economy of time, while 
sacrificing little of tlie continuity of the history, or of the just 

MED. 5 



(i PR P: FACE 

apprehension of the fundamental features of mediaeval life and 
institutions. It is to meet such a need, in elementary college 
classes in mediaeval history, that this book is issued in this 
form. 

It is perhaps needless to say that it is not expected that the 
book will comprise the whole of the instruction given, even in 
an elementary course, in this field. Formal and informal lec- 
tures by the instructor, collateral reading in the books referred 
to at the close of the chapters, the use of a source book such 
as that prepared by Ogg or by Robinson, the preparation of 
maps to fix geographical facts, and of occasional essays or 
reports to broaden here and there the narrow trail of classroom 
instruction, — all these are ^presupposed as means of equal if 
not greater value than the text-book itself. The book affords 
what it is hoped will be found to be a clear, scholarly, com- 
pact outline, which can be filled in in various ways. Its aim 
is to be accurate in substance and definite in statement, to 
seize the vital and interesting facts, and as far as possible to 
give that concreteness of treatment which is necessary in deal- 
ing with matters so remote and alien as those which fill the 
history of the Middle Ages. 

These are the ideas which underlie this little book, and it 
is hoped that its chapters may be as successful elsewhere, as 
a basis for Freshman instruction in mediaeval history, as they 
have already proved to be in Indiana University. 

BiiOOMiNGTON, Indiana. 



PAGE 
11 



32 



45 

63 

77 



CONTENTS 

I. Introduction : the World in tlie Year 800 . 

EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
II. The Empire of Charlemagne (768-814) .... 

III. The Later Carolingian Empire (814-011) and the Feudal 

System 

IV. Successors of the Carolingians in Germany and France 
V. The Church in the Middle Ages 

VI. The Franconian Emperors, Hildebrand, and the Investi- 
ture Conflict (1024-1125) 

AGE OF THE CRUSADES ^ 
VII. The Christian and Mohammedan East, and the First Cru- 
sade (1096-1099) 

VIII. The Later Crusades (1099-1291) 

IX. The Hohenstaufen Empire and the Italian Communes (1125- 

1190) • • 

X. End of the Hohenstaufen Empire (1190-1268) 

XI. Life in the Mediaeval Castle, Village, and Town . . .171 



114 
129 

145 

162 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

XII. England in the Middle Ages (449-1877) . . • • 

XIII. The Rise of France (987-1337) 

XIV. The Hundred Years' War (1337-1453) 

XV. Development of Modern States (1254-1500) .... 

THE RENAISSANCE 
XVI. The Great Church Councils and the Renaissance (1300- 
1517) 



7 



191 
211 
229 
246 



264 

285 



LIST OF MAPS 

PAGE 

Physical Map of Europe 14, 15 

Conquests of the Mohammedans 24 

Growth of the Frankish Kingdom 26 

The Known World in 800 27 

Europe in the Time of Charlemagne (768-814) . . . 30, 31 

Partition of Verdun (843) 47 

Mohammedans, Christians, and Pagans about 600-814 and about 

1100 62 

Holy Roman Empire in the 10th and 11th Centuries ... 64 

Mediaeval Monasteries, Bishoprics, and Archbishoprics ... 82 

Chief Universities of the Middle Ages 93 

Territories of the Countess Matilda 102 

Europe about the Time of the First Crusade (1097) . . . 112, 113 
Crusaders' States in Syria after the First Crusade .... 129 
Saladin's Empire, and the Results of the Fourth Crusade . . 138 

Lombard and Tuscan Leagues 154 

Mediaeval Commerce and Textile Industries .... 184, 185 

England in 878 . . 192 

English Possessions in France, 1180-1429 228 

Growth of the Swiss Confederation 249 

States of the Empire in 1477 262, 253 

Spanish States, 1266-1498 . . .256 

Spread of Printing during the Fifty Years following its Introduction 

into Mainz 278 



SELECT LIST OF BOOKS IN ENGLISH 
ON MEDIAEVAL HISTORY 

Titles marked with an asterisk (*) denote books which are especially valuable. 

* Adams, G. B., Civilization during the Middle Ages. N.Y. 

Archer, T. A., The Crusade of Richard I. (English History from Con- 
temporary Writers.) N.Y. 

* Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L., The Crusades. (Nations 

Series.) N.Y. 
Balzani, Ugo, The Popes and the Hohenstaufen. (Epochs of Church 
History.) N.Y. 

* Bemont, C., and Monod, G., Medieval ^Europe, 395-1270. N.Y. 

* Bryce, James, The Holy Boman Em^yire. Enlarged and revised 

edition. N.Y. 
Burckhardt, Jacob, The Civilisation of the Renaissance in Italy. N.Y. 
Cambridge Modern History. (Planned by Lord Acton, and written by 

associated scholars.) Vol.1. N.Y. 
Chronicles of the Crusades. (Bohn Library.) N.Y. 
Coinniines, Philip de, Memoirs., containing the Histories of Louis XL 

and Charles VIIL, Kings of France, and Charles the Bold, Duke 

of Burgundy. (Bohn Library.) N.Y. 
Cox, G. W., ne Crusades. (Epochs.) N.Y. 

* Creighton, Mandell (Bishop), History of the Papacy from the Great 

Schism to the Sack of Rome. vols. N.Y. 
Emerton, F^phraim, Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages. Boston. 

* Emerton, Ephraim, Mediaeval Europe, 8I4-ISOO. Boston. 
Emerton, Ephraim, Desiderius Erasmus. N.Y. 

Eisher, Herbert, The MedlcGval Empire. 2 vols. N.Y. 

Freeman, p]. A., Historical Essays. 3 vols. N.Y. 

Froissart, Chronicles. (G. C. Macaulay's edition of Berner's transla- 
tion.) N.Y. 

Gardiner, S. R., Student'' s History of England. N.Y. 

Gautier, Leon, Chivalry. London. 

(iibbon, Edward, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire. Edited by J. B. Bury. 7 vols. N.Y. 

Gilman, Arthur, The Saracens. (Nations Series.) N.Y. 

Guizot, F. P. G., History of Civilization. 4 vols. (Bohn Library.) 
N.Y. 

* Henderson, E. F., History of Ger7nany in the Middle Ages. N.Y. 

* Henderson, E, F., Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. 

N.Y. 
Historians' History of the World. 2.5 vols. N.Y. 
Hodgkin, Thomas, Charles the Great. N.Y. 
Hutton, W. H., Philip Augustus. N.Y. 

MED. 9 



10 ■ SELECT LIST OF BOOKS 

Kitchin, G. VC., Historij of France. 3 vols. Oxford. 

Lacroix, Paul, Manners, Customs, and Dress during the Middle Ages. 

London. 
Lacroix, Paul, Militarn and Religious Life in the Middle Ages. London. 
Lane-Poole, Stanley, Saladin. N.Y. 
Lea, H. C, History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages. 3 vols. 

Philadelphia. 
Lea, H. C, Studies in Church History. Philadelphia. 

* Lodge, Richard, Tlie Close of the Middle Ages, 1273-1494. N.Y. 
McCabe, Joseph, Ahelard. N.Y. 

Masson, Gustave, 3fedian-al France. (Nations Series.) N.Y. 
Michelet, Jules, History of France. Translated by G. H. Smith. 2 vols. 

N.Y. 
Milnian, H. H., History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols, in 4. N.Y. 
Moeller, Wilhelm, History of the Christian Church. 3 vols. N.Y. 
Mombert, J. I., Charles the' Great. N.Y. 
Mombert, J. I., ^ Short History of the Crusades. N.Y. 
Montalembert, C. F. de T., The Monks of the West, from St. Benedict to 

St. Bernard. 7 vols. Edinburgh. 

* Munro, D. C. (editor), Essays on the Crusades. N.Y. 

* Munro, D C, and Sellery, G. C. (editors), Medieval Civilization: 

Selected Studies from European Authors, translated and edited. 
Enlarged edition. N.Y. 

* Oman, C. W. C, The Dark Ages, 476-918. N.Y. 

Oman, C. W. C, Byzantine Empire. (Nations Series.) N.Y. 

Oman, C. W. C, The History of the Art of War: The 3Iiddle Ages. 

N.Y. 
Pennsylvania, University of, Translations and Eeprints from the Original 

Sources of European History. 6 vols. Philadelphia and New York. 

* Poole, Reginald L., Wycliffe and Movements for Reform. (Epochs 

of Church History. ) N.Y. 

* Robinson, J. H., Readings in European History. Vol. I. Boston. 
Robinson, J. H., and Rolfe, H. W., Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar 

and Man of Letters. (Selections from his correspondence, with 
introduction.) N.Y. 
Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church. 6 vols. N.Y. 

* Seignobos, Charles, The Feudal Regime. Translated by E. W. Dow. 

N.Y. 
Stephens, W. R. W., Hildehrand and his Times. (Epochs of Church 

History.) N.Y. 
Stille, C. J., Studies in Mediaeval History. Philadelphia, 
Symonds, J. A., The Renaissance in Italy. 7 vols. N.Y. 

* Thatcher, O. J., and McNeal, E. H,, Source Book for Mediceval His- 

tory. N.Y. 
Thatcher, O. J., and Schwill, Ferdinand, Europe in the Middle Age. 
N.Y. 

* Tout, T. F., The Empire and the Papacy, 918-1273. N.Y. 
Willert, P. F., The Reign of Louis XL N.Y, 

* Wylie, J, H,, The Council of Constance to the Death of John Hu.ss. 

N.Y. 



ESSENTIALS IN MEDIEVAL HISTORY 

CHAPTEE I. 
INTRODUCTION: THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 

The division of history into periods is difficult, for two 
reasons: (1) Changes in history, like changes of the seasons, 
are gradual, each period merging into the next as imper- i. periods 
ceptibly as winter into spring. (2) Progress does not of history 
take place with ecpial rapidity in all fields : now artistic activ- 
ity, now scientific thought, now industrial development, now 
political organization, forges ahead, while other activities lag 
behind; now one nation leads, now another. It is difficult to 
find dates as division points which mark important changes in 
all these various fields, just as it is difficult to divide a man's 
life into periods of childhood, youth, manhood, and old age; 
yet the divisions are real and important. 

The term "Middle Ages" is often used to cover the whole 
period from the beginning of the barbarian invasions about 
375 A.D., or the fall of the Eoman Empire in the West 2. Scope of 
in 476 A.D., to the discovery of America in 1492, or the this book 
beginning of the Protestant Reformation. In reality three 
distinct epochs are comprised in this period : (1) The period 
from about 375 to about 800 was an epoch of transition, to 
which the term " the Dark Age " may perhaps be applied ; it 
is the time when the invading Germans and the subjects of 
the Eoman Empire were being fused into one people, and when 
the remains of classical civilization, the institutions of the 
Germanic barbarians, and Christianity were combining to form 



12 INTRODUCTION 

the culture of mediseval Europe. (2) The typical Middle Age 
begins with the revival of the Western Empire by Charle- 
magne (800) and lasts till about 1300 ; it is the age of feudal- 
ism, of the might of a church organization ruling every form 
of human activity, of great struggles between Popes and Em- 
perors. (3) The third division is an epoch of transition, from 
about 1300 to about 1500 ; it is the time of the Eenaissance, or 
" rebirth," when men's minds were made more free, and when 
state, church, art, literature, industry, and society took on new 
forms. The first of these divisions (375-800) is included in 
the scope of many text-books of Ancient History ; the sec- 
ond and third, covering the years 800-1500, are dealt with in 
this book. 

Eor us, history is the study of the achievements of European 
peoples and of their relations with other peoples. India, China, 
and Japan have civilizations and histories of their own, wdiich 
bear little on European history. In the Middle Ages, America 
and Australia were unknown to Europe ; of Africa the Mediter- 
ranean regions alone were known ; and the more distant -parts 
of Asia were revealed only through indirect trade, through 
westward raids of Asiatic hordes, and through vague reports 
brought back by a few adventurous missionaries and traders. 
It is only since the maritime discoveries of the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries, and the accompanying expansion of trade 
and settlement, that Western civilization has passed beyond 
the limits of Europe and of Mediterranean Africa and Asia. 

Europe is the smallest of the grand divisions of the earth 

save Australia, but historically it is the most important. It 

„ „ extends from about 36° to 71° north latitude, or- from about 

3. Geogra- ' 

phy of the latitude of Cape Hatteras on the Atlantic coast of 

Europe ^^^^ United States to that of northernmost Alaska; its 

climate is much milder than that of the eastern parts of North 

America and Asia in corresponding latitudes. Its coast line 

is much broken ; its surface is diversified by mountain and 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 1^ 

plain ; its rainfall is generally plentiful, and there are no 
deserts except in the extreme southeast. The Mediterranean 
Sea, with its easily navigable waters, unites it to as well as 
separates it from neighboring lands. The position, configura- 
tion, and climate of Europe have admirably fitted it to receivCj 
develop, and spread to other parts of the globe the ancient : 
civilization which arose in Egypt and Mesopotamia. 

Geographically Europe is a peninsula of Asia; this has 
made it possible for great bodies of people at various times 
to pass from Asia into Europe. In prehistoric times there 
occurred the migrations of the Aryan peoples, conquering and 
absorbing the pre-Aryan races : in the south of Europe settled 
the Greeks and Latins ; in the west were established the Celts 
(Irish, Scots, Britons, Gauls) ; into the east came the Slavs 
(Russians, Poles, Bohemians, Servians, etc.) ; and between were 
located the Germans, with their near kin the Dutch and the 
Scandinavians. Whether the original seat of the Aryans was 
in central Asia or in northern Europe is disputed ; it should 
also be noted that the classification into Aryan and non-Aryan 
peoples is based upon language, and does not necessarily imply 
actual kinship of blood. Nevertheless the Aryan peoples 
constitute a real historic group, with many ideas, institutions, 
and customs in common, and must be marked off from the 
Semitic races (Jews, Arabs, Phoenicians), as well as from the 
so-called Turanian peoples who inhabit central and eastern 
Asia. 

Structurally " the characteristic of Europe is to be more full 

of peninsulas and islands and inland seas than the rest of the 

Old World." It consists of three distinct parts : (1) a Freeman 

southern portion comprising the great peninsulas of Historical 

Geography 
Greece, Italy, and Spain, and cut off from the central of Europe, 

mass by an almost unbroken mountain -chain (the Pyre- ^- ^ 

nees, and the Alps with their eastern continuations); (2) a 

broad central land mass stretching east and west across Eu- 



■"^^^^ ^ 

PHYSICAL MAP 

OF ;> 

\^ EUROPE 

SCALE OF MILES 

100 200 300 400 500 

I I Highlands 

I I Lowlands 




16 INTRODUCTION 

rope; and (3) a northern peninsular portion, separated from 
the central portion by the Baltic Sea, which forms "a kind 
of secondary Mediterranean." The northern and central por- 
tions, especially toward the east, are relatively low, and con- 
sist principally of "naked plains, and large lakes, exposed to 
the freezing influences of Asia and the Arctic Ocean." The 
LavalUe Southern portion, on the other hand, " presents a series 
Phijsical, of very elevated lands, covered with natural obstacles, 
and Mill- ' varied with cuttings and declivities, bristling with peaks, 
tary Geog- scalloped with gulfs, furrowed by numerous rivers, cut 
up into peninsulas, arresting the northern winds, opening 
up to the winds of Africa freshened by the Mediterranean. . . 
The natural accidents of the south, besides being favorable to 
agriculture and commerce, assure the independence and civili- 
zation of their inhabitants; whilst the vast frozen plains of 
the north have only miserable and savage populations, brutal- 
ized under a single government." 

The central mountain system of Europe is the Alps, con- 
sisting of from 30 to 50 distinct masses, which may be grouped 
under the two heads of Western Alps and Eastern Alps, 
mountain (1) The Western Alps or Great Alps (the Alps proper) 
systems Yiq in the form of an arc of a circle stretching a distance 
of 348 miles from the Gulf of Genoa to Mt. St. Gothard ; they 
comprise three series of parallel ridges, with altitudes of from 
3000 to 5000 in the western ridge, 9000 to 15,000 in the central, 
and 5000 to 8000 in the eastern ridge; the highest peak is 
Mont Blanc (15,781 feet), the highest mountain in Europe. 
They are more easily passable by an army coming from France 
into Italy than from Italy into France. The chief passes are 
the Simplon (6500 feet), oyer which Napoleon Bonaparte con- 
structed an admirable road at the beginning of the nineteenth 
century ; the Great St. Bernard (7900 feet), which in spite of 
its difficulties was used successively by Charlemagne, the 
Emperor Frederick I., and Napoleon ; the Little St. Bernard 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAH 800 17 

(7100 feet) ; and the Mont Cenis (6700 feet).» (2) The Eastern 
Alps stretch from Mt. St. Gothard to the Adriatic Sea and con- 
tinue (the Dinaric Alps) along its eastern coast ; their altitudes 
are lower than the Western Alps, and decline as they approach 
the Adriatic ; their chief pass is the Brenner, with an altitude 
of 4700 feet. 

In almost every direction radiate offshoots from this central 
mountain mass. To the south extend the Apennines, forming 
the Italian peninsula ; to the west are the Cevennes of south- 
ern France ; to the north appear the Jura, the Vosges, the Black 
Forest, and other mountains of upper Germany ; to the north- 
east lie the mountains inclosing Bohemia — the Bohmerwald 
(Bohemian Forest), the Erzgebirge (Ore Mountains), and the 
Biesengebirge (Giant Mountains) — and the sweeping arc, 700 
miles long, of the Carpathians ; and to the southeast are the 
wild and precipitous heights of the Balkans, and the mountains 
forming the Grecian peninsula. 

Only a few groups of mountains in Europe are disassociated 
from the central mass of the Alps : the Pyrenees, with an aver- 
age elevation of about 8000 feet, constituting a solid rampart 
between France and the Spanish peninsula, passable for armies 
at the eastern and western ends only ; and the Scandinavian 
Mountains, the Scottish Highlands, the Urals, and the lofty- 
Caucasus ridge, of little historical importance. 

Three important rivers rise in the neighborhood of Mt. St. 
Gothard, and flowing in different directions empty into differ- 
ent seas: (1) the Ehine, after receiving as tributaries 5. xherivei 
the Moselle from the west and the Main from the east, systems 
and traversing a course of 850 miles, empties into the North 
Sea (the Meuse, which flows into its delta, is practically a 

1 In recent years railway tunnels have been driven through the Alps: the 
Mont Cenis, 7h miles long, completed in 1871; the St. Gothard, 91 miles, 
completed in 1881 ; the Arlberg,6| miles, completed in 1884; and the Simplon, 
12| miles, completed in 1905. 



18 INTRODUCTION 

tributary of the Rhine) ; (2) the Ehone, with the Saone as 
tributary, flows into the western Mediterranean; (3) the Po, 
which drains the northern plain of Italy, empties into the 
Adriatic Sea. The Volga, with its length of 2100 miles, is 
geographically the most important river of Europe, but his- 
torically it counts for little because of its location in the vast 
plains of eastern Eussia. The Danube, Europe's second river 
in size, with a length of 1600 miles, ranks historically with the 
Ehine in importance, near whose source it rises, and with 
which it forms an almost continuous land and water route 
stretching clear across Europe from the Black Sea to the 
North Sea. Additional streams of importance are the Ga- 
ronne, Loire, and Seine, in France; and the Elbe, Oder, 
and Vistula, in Germany. 

The tendency of mountains is to separate, of rivers to unite, 
adjacent peoples. Physical geography would divide Europe 
6. Geo- into the following sections : Spain; France (or Gaul) to 
uattfir^ theCevennes Mountains; the British Isles; the Rhone- 
Europe land; the Rhine-land; Italy; the Balkan-land; the Danube- 
land ; North Germany ; Bohemia ; Russia ; Scandinavia. Each 
of these twelve regions has had its separate history ; and modern 
political divisions follow this grouping with sufficient close- 
ness to show the abiding influence, in history, of geographical 
factors. 

All our knowledge of history is based at last upon (1) mate- 
rial remains, such as ruins, monuments, coins, old weapons, 
r M te armor, household utensils, etc.; (2) official documents, 
rials for and contemporary descriptions (including pictorial repre- 
^ °^ sentations) by eye- and ear-witnesses ; and (3) oral (or 

written) traditions, which come to us from persons not in a 
position to know the facts at first hand. No matter how im- 
portant an event may have been, if no trace of it has been left 
in one or another of these ways, we can have no knowledge 
of it. For the Middle Ages our source materials consist 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR '800 19 

chiefly of " annals " and " chronicles " in which men (usually 
monks) wrote down brief accounts of the events of their 
own times; "capitularies" (decrees of Charlemagne and his 
successors) and other collections of laws; charters conveying 
grants of lands and privileges ; a few letters of kings, popes, 
and other eminent men; lives of saints and other persons; 
and account books and other records of governments, mon- 
asteries, and individual landlords. For Modern history there 
is an ever increasing flood of parliamentary and congres- 
sional debates, statutes, memoirs and letters of statesmen 
and other persons, diaries, daily newspapers, etc. From 
these materials historians gather the facts of history by a 
slow and careful process of sifting and comparison, designed 
to separate the true from the false; and it is not surprising 
that — as new materials are discovered and made available, 
and more careful study is given to the old — many views 
formerly held are shown to be unfounded, and new ones take 
their place. 

The historian must deal with many different systems of 
reckoning time, used by different peoples and in different ages. 
The Romans started from the founding of Rome ; the g Modes of 
Mohammedans count from the flight of Mohammed from reckoning 
Mecca (the " Hegira," in 622 a.d.) ; ^ the Christians from 
the birth of Christ (the year 1 a.d.), which by a miscalculation 
was placed four years too late ; in addition, the years of the 
reigns of kings, emperors, and popes have been used. 

The determination of the length of the year presents many 
difficulties. The " Julian " calendar, arranged by Julius Caesar, 
making every fourth year a leap year, was used until the end 
of the Middle Ages ; but this made the year eleven minutes 
fourteen seconds too long, and by the sixteenth century the 

1 Also, the Mohammedan year is a lunar year, nearly eleven days shorter 
than ours ; so that 34 Mohammedan years are about equal to 33 years of our 
reckoning. 



20 INTRODUCTION 

difference accumulated since the year of the Council of Nicsea 
(325 A.D.) amounted to nearly ten days. The reformed or 
" Gregorian " calendar was proclaimed by Pope Gregory XIII. 
in 1582 ; this not merely struck out ten days from the calendar 
of that year (the day after October 4 becoming October 15), 
but by directing the omission of three leap-year days in every 
four centuries thereafter, it provided for keeping the calendar 
year for the future in harmony with the solar year. England 
did not accept the reformed calendar until 1752; E,ussia has 
not yet accepted it, and is now thirteen days behind the other 
nations in its reckoning of dates. The two calendars are dis- 
tinguished as " old style " (0. S.) and " new style " (N. S.) ; 
and to avoid doubt, dates after 1582 are sometimes given in 
both systems : in this book such dates are all given according 
to the "new style." About the time that the Gregorian calen- 
dar was adopted in the various countries, the beginning of the 
year was definitely fixed at the first of January ; in other 
usages it began with the feast of the Annunciation (March 25) 
and with various other dates, — so that up to 1752 in England, 
for instance, there was confusion as to whether a given date be- 
tween January 1 and March 25 belonged to the expiring or the 
beginning year. Within the year, dates were frequently fixed 
with reference to great church festivals — such as Christmas 
and Easter — or by the days of the different saints, of which 
more than two thousand were thus used. 

For two hundred years after the overthrow of the Koman 

E-epublic by Julius Csesar and Augustus, the Roman Empire 

9. Decay of prospered, giving unity of government, law, language, 

Roman m- ^^^ culture to the whole Mediterranean world. Then 
pire (180- 

375 A.D.) followed a period of civil war and decay, from the 
death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession of Diocletian 
(180-284 A.D.). This decline was temporarily checked by the 
reorganization of the empire carried out by Diocletian and by 
Constantine the Great (died 337), whereby the empire was 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 21 

divided into ,an eastern and a western half (regular!}^ after 
395), was made entirely despotic, and the capital was removed 
to Constantinople. With Constantine also came the end of 
the persecutions of the Christians, and the recognition of 
Christianity as the official religion of the state. 

But these changes could not long check the decay, which 
was due (1) to a great decrease in population, caused by 
famines, wars, and pestilence ; (2) to unwise laws about taxes, 
by which men became fixed in their stations and occupations, 
as in hereditary castes, and free peasants became serfs, bound 
to the soil, while slaves rose in the social scale and blended 
with the depressed freemen; (3) to widespread luxury and 
immorality; and (4) to a lack of national feeling, resulting 
from despotism in the government and the general employ- 
ment in the army of Germanic barbarians, who also were 
settled by the government in large numbers on waste lands 
within the empire. 

At the end of the fourth century came a more rapid decline, 
due to the entrance into the Koman Empire of whole nations 
of German barbarians. The Visigoths, attacked in the 10. Inva- 
rear by Huns from Asia, crossed the Danube frontier, Germans 
overthrew and slew the Emperor Valens at Adrianople (376-476) 
in 378, and under their young king Alaric ravaged Greece, 
overran Italy, and sacked Eome (410) ; under Alaric's suc- 
cessors they established a Germanic kingdom in Spain and 
southern Gaul, which lasted for three centuries (to 711). The 
example set by the Visigoths was speedily followed by other 
nations. The Vandals overran Gaul and Spain ; and upon the 
coming of the Visigoths to the latter land, they passed over 
into Africa (429), there to rule for a hundred and five years. 
The Franks, who were settled about the lower Ehine, gradu- 
ally occupied northern Gaul; the Burgundians, passing from 
the middle Rhine to the Ehone valley, established there a 
kingdom which lasted until 534 ; the Angles and Saxons, in- 

HARDING's M. & M. HIST. 2 



22 INTRODUCTION 

vading Britain in their piratical vessels (about 449), estab- 
lished kingdoms which later consolidated into the kingdom 
of England. In 451 the savage Huns extended their raids into 
the heart of Gaul, but were turned back by the united efforts 
of Eomans and Visigoths; and the death two years later of 
their leader Attila, 'Hhe Scourge of God," released Europe 
from the dread of Asiatic dominion. 

At Eome the last of a line of weak and foolish Emperors of 
the West came to an end in the year 476, when Odoacer, the 
leader of the German mercenaries in the Roman army, deposed 
young Romulus Augustulus, himself assumed the title of 
"king," and sent ambassadors to lay at the feet of the East- 
ern Emperor at Constantinople the imperial crown and purple 
robe, professing that one Emperor was enough for both East 
and West. 

For some years Odoacer enjoyed his "kingdom" over the 
mercenaries in peace ; but in 493 he was defeated and mur- 
11. Ostro- dered by the king of the Ostrogoths, Theodoric the 
gothsand Great, who had come into Italy with his people, corn- 
Romans missioned by the Eastern Emperor to overthrow the 
(476-555) usurper. Theodoric (493-526) had been brought up as a 
youth at Constantinople, and entertained wise and beneficent 
plans for the union of his Ostrogoths with the Italian provin- 
cials into one nation; but in spite of his efforts the attempt 
failed, mainly through religious differences, the Ostrogoths 
(in common with most of the German barbarians) being Arian 
Christians (an heretical sect), while the orthodox Catholic 
religion prevailed in the Roman Empire. 

The reign of the Emperor Justinian (527-565) greatly 
strengthened the Eastern Empire, and also profoundly influ- 
enced the West. Justinian was a great builder and civilizer, 
and codified the Roman law into the Code, Digest, and Insti- 
tutes, which preserved it to influence the world to the present 
day. He was also a great conqueror, and his generals Beli- 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 



28 



sarius and Narses overthrew not only the Vandal kingdom in 
Africa (533), but also the weakened Ostrogothic kingdom in 
Italy (553). For a few brief years the Roman Empire once 
more ruled Italy, northern Africa, the islands of the western 
Mediterranean, and even southern Spain ; never again was its 

power to touch so 
high a point. 

The beginning of 
the seventh century 
saw the rise of 12. Else of 
a new religion ^^^ 
and a new polit- (622-732) 
ical power, through 
the teachings of Mo- 
hammed (571-632), 
who united the Arabs, 
rescued them from 
the worship of sticks 
and stones, and taught 
them there was but 
one true God (Allah), 
of whom Mohammed 
was the Prophet. The 
teaching of Moham- 
med was embodied in 
the Koran; it con- 
tains Jewish, Chris- 




Interior of Mosque of Cordova, Spain. 

Present condition. Built by Mohammedans in 
the 8th and 10th centuries. 



tian, and Persian elements, and along with many good and 
noble ideas are mixed baser elements tainted by the ignorance, 
cruelty, and sensuality of seventh-century Arabs. 

By the year 631 all Arabia had accepted Mohammed's 
teaching, and fanatical zeal and lust of rule urged on a 
movement of foreign conquest such as the world had never 
seen. In eighty years Mohammedanism conquered more terri- 



24 



INTRODUCTION 



tory than Eome conquered in four centuries : Syria, Persia, 
Egypt, northern Africa, and Spain passed under the rule of 
the caliphs, successors of Mohammed ; but in Gaul, in 732, 
the Mohammedans were checked by the Franks under Charles 




Conquests of the Mohammedans. 

Martel in the battle of Tours ; and this defeat, combined with 
internal dissensions, saved Europe from a further advance of 
their power in this direction. 

Within fifteen years after the overthrow of the Ostrogoths, 
a new Germanic people, the Lombards, appeared in Italy to 
13. Loin- take their place. In a short time the Lombards con- 
the papacy c[^^6red the greater part of northern Italy, to which their 
(568-774) name (Lombardy) is still given; and soon they possessed 
the greater part, but not all, of the peninsula : officers of the 
Eastern Emperors still ruled a considerable district about the 
mouth of the river Po (Exarchate of Ravenna), together with 
the district about Rome {Dncatus Romamis), and the southern 
points of the peninsula. The main result of the incomplete- 
ness of the Lombard conquest was the rise of a new temporal 
power vested in the Pope, who was bishop of Rome and head 
of the Christian church. 

The Lombards were among the most barbarous of the Ger- 
manic nations, and they were long viewed by the Romans with 
the fiercest hatred and loathing, even after they put aside 
their Arianism and accepted Catholic Christianity. Owing 
to the distance and weakness of the Eastern Emperors, power 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 25 

in the city of Rome gradually passed into the hands of its 
bishops or Popes, among whom Leo I. (440^61) and Gregory 
I. the Great (590-604) were most noteworthy ; and in 729 the 
Pope threw off his allegiance to the Emperor as a result of 
the Emperor's decree against the use of images in worship 
(the Iconoclastic Controversy). At about the same time the 
Lombards conquered the Exarchate of Eaveiina (727) ; it then 
seemed as if the Pope would escape from the rule of the 
Emperor only to fall under that of the hated Lombards ; but 
from this danger the papacy was saved by an appeal to an- 
other Germanic people, the most notable of all — the Franks. 

Of all the Germanic peoples who pressed into the Continental 
provinces of Eome, only the Franks in Gaul established an 
enduring kingdom ; hence for centuries the history of ^^ j^-g^ ^^ 
the Prankish power makes the largest part of the history the Franks 
of Europe. Their king Clovis (481-511) laid its basis 
by his consolidation of the Franks under one rule, and his 
conquests of neighboring peoples. Within fifty years after 
his death, most of Gaul and the Rhine valley were under 
Prankish sway. Many of the descendants of Clovis proved 
weak rulers ; and the broils and feuds of the nobles, the tur- 
bulence and lawlessness of the freemen, produced great disorder. 
In spite of these evils, and in spite of frequent divisions of the 
territory among the sons of deceased kings, the power of the 
Franks as a people did not decline. Alongside of the "do- 
nothing " {faineant) Merovingian kings, descendants of Clovis, 
arose strong "mayors of the palace," who exercised .the real 
power. In Austrasia (the kingdom of the East Franks) the 
mayors of the palace became especially strong, for the ofiice 
was practically hereditary in the powerful family of the Pepins 
(Carolingians), who possessed wide estates and numerous fol- 
lowers. Under chiefs of this house the East and West Franks 
were reunited, with one king and one mayor of the palace, and 
the Mohammedans were beaten back. 



26 



INTRODUCTION 




Growth of the Frankish Kingdom. 



Charle- 
magne, 
ch. 1 



To Charles Martel, the victorious mayor of the palace in the 
battle of Tours, the Pope appealed in vain for aid against the 
Lombards. In 751, however, Pope Zacharias enabled Charles's 
Einhard, son, Pepin the Short, to seize the throne, by declaring 
" that the man who held power in the kingdom should 
be called king and be king, rather than he who falsely 
bore that name": with this warrant the last of the Mero- 
vingian kings of the Franks was " deposed, shorn, and thrust 
into a cloister," and Pepin was raised upon a shield in old 
Teutonic (Germanic) fashion and hailed as king in his stead 
(751-768). Pepin twice marched into Italy against the Lom- 
bards, at the Pope's request ; the second time (756) he forced 
the Lombard king to give hostages, pay tribute, and surrender 
the Exarchate, which Pepin thereupon granted to the Pope. 
Thus the Pope became an important secular prince, by secur- 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 



27 



ing the old imperial dominions in central Italy ; and thus too 
was laid the basis of a close connection between the papacy 
and the Frankish monarchy, which to each was to prove of 
the utmost importance. 



About 800, the time with which this book begins, the bar- 
barian invasions v/ere practically over, the church was rising 
to a position of supreme power, feudalism was giving jg g^j^_ 
a new organization to society, and a new Empire was mary: Eu- 
about to be founded in the West, to last (in name at ^^^h^year 
least) for a thousand years. The old doctrinal disputes ^^^ 

about the fundamental beliefs of Christianity were settled; 
but a church schism or separation was arising between East 
and West, involving differences of worship and discipline, 
and ultimately leading to the entire rejection of the papal 
authority in the East. The Byzantine or Eastern Roman 
Empire still ruled 
Asia Minor, Thrace, 
portions of ancient 
Greece and southern 
Italy, and the islands 
of Crete, Sicily, and 
Sardinia ; but the Bul- 
garians (an Asiatic 
people) had cut off 
the lower valley of 
the Danube, and bar- 
barian Slavs formed 
an alien wedge run- 
ning completely through the interior of the Balkan peninsula 
and into the Peloponnesus. North of the Danube dwelt Asiatic 
and Slavic peoples ; and to the north of these, Finnish tribes : 
these peoples were still heathen, and the slow progress of 
Christianity among them was one of the features of the Mid- 




The Known World in 800. 



28 



INTRODUCTION 



die Ages. Scandinavia was taking on its threefold form of 
Norway, Denmark, and Sweden ; but the worship there of the 
old Teutonic gods was as yet unshaken. In the British Isles, 
the Teutonic English had settled, been Christianized, and were 
about to unite into a single kingdom ; but Scotland, Ireland, 
and Wales, though Christian, were independent Celtic lands. 
In northern Spain there existed petty Christian states which 
in the next seven centuries were to grow into a powerful 
monarchy and cast out the Mohammedans. But the central 
political fact in the West was the existence of the Prankish 
kingdom, ruled over by Charlemagne, the grandson of Charles 
Martel. 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



TOPICS 

(1) Why do we not study the history of China in the Middle 
Ages? (2) Why should the term "Middle Ages" be plural? 
(3) Why is our knowledge of history less certain than our knowl- 
edge of the physical sciences ? (4) What geographical advantages 
has Europe over Asia ? over Africa ? (5) Why was P^urope not 
so well fitted to originate as to develop and spread civilization ? 
(6) In what ways would its history have been different if Europe 
were entirely surrounded by water ? (7) What did Greece con- 
tribute to the civilization of the world? (8) What did Rome 
contribute? (9) What did the Germans add? (10) Summarize 
the causes of the fall of the Roman Empire, -(ll) Has Moham- 
medanism done more harm or good in the world ? (12) Compare 
the area of Mohammedanism in 800 with its area to-day. (13) 
Compare the area of Christianity in 800 with its area to-day. 

(14) Ways in which geography influences history. (15) The 
passes of the Alps. (16) Geographical factors in the development 
of some European towns. (17) Influence of the Roman law. 
(18) Rise of the mayors of the palace. (19) Alliance between the 
Franks and the papacy. (20) The life of Mohammed. (21) His 
teachings. (22) The farthest extent of Mohammedan conquests. 
(23) Battle of Tours. (24) The old Teutonic mythology. (25) 
The wanderings and settlements of the Visigoths. (26) The 
wanderings and settlements of the Ostrogoths. (27) Character 
and work of Theodoric the Great. (28) Settlement of the Bur- 
gundians. (29) Settlement of the Lombards. (30) The Anglo- 
Saxon conquest of Britain. 



THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 



29 



Secondary 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

Maps, pp. 14, 15, 24, 26, 30, 31 ; Putzger, Historischer School- GeoEn?apiiy 

Atlas, maps 13, 13 a ; Dow, Atlas of European History, v. vi. ; 
Poole, Historical Atlas of Modern Europe, map iv. ; Freeman, 
Historical Geography of Europe, I. chs. i. iv. ; George, Belations 
of Geography and History, chs. i. ii. iv. ix. ; Lavallee, Physical, 
Historical, and Military Geography, bk. iv. 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 1-64 ; B^mont and 
Monod, Medieval Europe, 30-32, 37-44, 54-68, 116-118, 125-128, 
135-166 ; Church, Beginning of the Middle Ages, 14-44, 62-72, 
82-83 ; Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, 27-34, 52-59, 
98-102, 111-113, 122-129; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 
Middle Age, ch. i. ; Diiruy, History of the Middle Ages, 17-21, 
34-42, 71-105 ; Hassall, French People, chs. i. ii. ; Hume, Spanish 
People, chs. ii. iii.; Oman, Dark Ages, 1-32, 180-198, 213-220, 
291-295 ; Stills, Studies in Medieval History, 98-126 ; Munro and 
Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 60-86 ; Mombert, Charles the Great, 
21-26 ; Gihnan, Saracens, 50-207 ; Freeman, History and Con- 
quests of the Saracens, 31-60, 132-166; Bury, History of the Later 
Boman Empire, II. bk. v. ch. i. ; Mihnan, Latin Christianity, II. 
bk iv. ch. i. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Boman Empire 
(Bury's ed.), III. 240-256, 285-333, 446-475, IV. 76-92, 100-169, 
461-470, V. 96-106, 311-395, 471-479, 491-494. 

Robinson, Beadings in European History, I. chs. iii. vi. ; Sources 
Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book for 3Iedimvai History, nos. 
1-6, 43-45 ; Jones, Civilization in the 3Iiddle Ages, No. 3 ; Lane- 
Poole, 3Iohammed's Speeches and TaUe-Talk. 

F. Dahn, Felicitas, — TJie Struggle for Borne ; G. P. R. James, 
Attila ; Charles Kingsley, Hypatia ; W. Ware, Julian ; Cardinal 
Wiseman, Fabiola ; De Genlis, Belisarius. 



Illustrative 
works 




3i 



CHAPTER II 

THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 

Upon the death of Pepin the Short in 768, his sons Car- 

loman and Charles the Great (Charlemagne) succeeded him, 

i'^^li^^& joiiitly; but in 771 Carloman died, and thenceforth 
16. Cii£irl6- 

magne's Charlemagne ruled alone. Charlemagne's reign saw a 
conquests j^^^^ series of wars, undertaken to extend the limits of 
the Prankish territory, or to ward off attacks from without. 
During the forty-six years that he ruled (768-814) he sent out 
more than fifty military expeditions, at least half of wdiich he 
commanded in person. They were directed against the Aqui- 
tanians and Bretons of France (3 expeditions) ; the Lombards 
of northern Italy (5) ; the Saracens, or Mohammedans, of 
Spain and southern Italy (12) ; the German Thuringians and 
Bavarians (2) ; the Avars and Slavs (8) ; the Danes (2) ; the 
Greeks (2), and, most of all, against the Saxons (18), descend- 
ants of the tribes from which, three hundred years earlier, had 
come the Teutonic conquerors of Britain. 

For more than two centuries the Franks had waged inter- 
mittent warfare with the heathen and barbarous Saxons, who 
dwelt in the trackless forests, swamps, and plains bordering 
on the North Sea, between the rivers Ems and Elbe. Charle- 
magne resolved to end the struggle by Christianizing as well 
as subjugating these troublesome neighbors; but the task re- 
quired thirty years for its completion (772-804), it was attended 
by nine successive rebellions, and was stained by the one great 
act of cruelty of Charlemagne's reign — the massacre of 4500 
prisoners (782). The most troublesome tribes were transported 



THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) ' 33 

to other parts of the empire, throughout Saxony fortresses 
were established and bishoprics founded (around which grew 
up the first towns), and Christianity was forced upon the 
population at the point of the sword ; so strict were the laws 
that converts who ate meat in Lent were condemned to death, 
unless absolved by a Christian priest. Political and religious 
opposition was at last crushed, and within a few generations 
the Saxons became the most powerful nation in the Frankish 
realm. 

Even more important than the Saxon wars were those with 
the Lombards. In spite of the two expeditions of Pepin the 
Short (§ 14), the power of the Lombards continued to be a 
menace to the papacy ; also the Lombard king harbored pre- 
tenders to a share in Charlemagne's kingdom. When, there- 
fore, the Pope appealed to Charlemagne in 773 against King 
Desiderius, the Prankish king marched to his assistance. In 
774-776 he completely conquered the Lombard kingdom and 
assumed the famous " iron crown," with its narrow circlet re- 
puted to have been made from one of the nails of the Cru 
cifixion. He then renewed his father Pepin's gift to the Pope 
of the temporal dominion of Ravenna and other parts of Italy 
The conquest of Lombardy and the donation of the papal 
states were two of the most important acts of Charlemagne's 
reign: they brought the king of the Pranks into closer relar 
tions with the papacy, and prepared the way for the revival 
of the Western Empire on a Germanic basis. 

The lands over which Charlemagne ruled in 800 included 
what are now Prance, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, more 
than half of Germany and Italy^ and parts of Austria 17. Revival 
and Spain (maps, pp. 26, 30); and over the "eternal city'' pLe'kilihe 
of Rome itself he exercised supreme authority by virtue West 

of the title " Patricius," given him by the Pope. The extent of 
Charlemagne's power made him already in fact, though not 
in name, the Emperor of the West. The ruler at Constan- 



34 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

tinople in the year 800 was a woman, the Empress Irene, who 
had just deposed her son, put out his eyes, and seized the 
power for herself; the West refused to recognize her rule and 
looked on the throne of the empire as vacant. What was 
more natural than that it should be given to the king of the 
Franks, the real ruler of the West ? Charlemagne was quite 
prepared for this step, but by whom should the imperial crown 
be conferred ? By the Pope, who had authorized Pepin's as- 
sumption of the royal crown ? By the people of Rome, as in 
the ancient days when E,oman Senate and people were still 
sovereign? Or should it be accounted something which be- 
longed to Charlemagne by virtue of his conquests ? 

Whatever solution Charlemagne had in mind, the circum- 
stances of the coronation were not of his arranging. The 

18. Corona- close of the year 800 found him in the city of Rome. 

tionofChar- ^^ Charlemagne prayed at the solemn celebration of 

(800) Christmas, kneeling by the altar in the old church 

of St. Peter's, Pope Leo III. placed a crown upon his head, 
while the people cried, "To Carolus Augustus, crowned by 
God, mighty and pacific Emperor, be life and victory." Ac- 

Einhard, cording to Einhard, his secretary and biographer, Charle- 

Charle- magne declared that " he would not have set foot in the 

magne, ch. ° 

28 church, . . . although it was a great feast day, if he 

could have foreseen the design of the Pope." 

The coronation of Charlemagne, in the language of an Eng- 
lish writer, " is not only the central event of the Middle Ages, 
Bryce, Hohj it is also one of those very few events of which, taking 

Roman Em- ^j-jej-Q singly, it may be said that if they had not hap- 
pire (revised o j j j j r 

ed.), 50 pened, the history of the world would have been differ- 

ent." Of all the mediaeval rulers, Charlemagne was the only 
one in whom the Empire of the West could have been restored. 
Only he, by his genius and the splendor of his victories, was 
able to make the principle of unity of government triumph 
over the tendency towards separation, disorder, and anarchy. 



THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGJfE (768-814) 



85 




Coronation of ChxVrlemagne. 
Fresco (19th century) in Hotel de Ville, Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Following the principle adopted by the Germanic conquerors, 

Charlemagne left to each race — Franks, Burgnndians, Komans, 

Lombards, Goths, Bavarians, Saxons — its own law, ^g charle- 

making only such changes by his decrees, or "capitu- magne's 

-111 ffovernment 
laries," as the good of the state and society demanded. 

For in the early Middle Ages there was little attempt at what 
we should call legislation ; the " law " of each individual was 
an inheritance from the past of his race, and as much a part 
of him as the breath which he drew. Taxes paid to the state 
also disappeared with the fall of the Roman Empire ; and 
Charlemagne's needs were supplied, like those of most mediae- 
val rulers, chiefly from the proceeds of his own estates (villce), 
for which elaborate regulations were made ; the king usually 



36 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

traveled from vill to vill with his suite, to consume the produce 
arising on each estate. On the other hand, public offices, mili- 
tary service, and the like, were unpaid, and the financial needs 
of the state were less than now. 

Under the Merovingians the kingdom had been divided into 
local districts, ruled by officers called " counts," appointed by 
the king. These were kept by Charlemagne as the chief 
officers of local government; in their hands was placed the 
military leadership, and the administration of justice. To 
supervise their work, royal commissioners {^nissi dominici) 
were sent out each year to inspect the national militia, hear 
complaints against the counts, enforce justice, and guard the 
interests of the king. Usually the commissioners were sent 
out two and two — a layman and an ecclesiastic. 

The counts were often guilty of great oppression ; a capitu- 
lary dated 803 reads : " We hear that the officers of the counts 
flodaJcin ^^^^ some of their more powerful vassals are collecting 
Italy and rents and insisting on forced labors, harvesting, plow- 
ers VIII. i^?> sowing, stubbing up trees, loading wagons and the 
2^^ like, not only from the church's servants, but from the 

rest of the people ; all which practices must, if you please, be 
put a stop to by us and by all the people, because in some 
places the peofjle have been in these ways so grievously op- 
pressed that many, unable to bear their lot, have escaped by 
flight from their masters or patrons, and the lands are relaps- 
ing into wilderness." Such oppressions led the king to grant 
"immunities,'' by which lands and men, especially of bishops 
and abbots, were removed from the jurisdiction of the counts. 
These immunities formed one of the important bases of later 
feudalism. 

Twice a year, in early summer and in the fall or winter, 

20. The May Charlemagne summoned the principal men to consult 

^ield ^^^j^ ]^jjj^ concerning the affairs of the empire. To the 

summer meeting, called the " Field of May," came all free men 



THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 87 

capable of bearing arms, and often the meeting was at once 
followed by a military expedition. A general assembly in his 
reign is pictured by a modern writer as follows : "An immense 
multitude is gathered together in a plain, under tents ; it is 
divided into distinct groups. The chiefs of the groups j^ 
assemble about the king, and deliberate with him : then Coukmges, 
each of these makes known to his own people what has * ^'^^ 

been decided, consults them perhaps, at any rate obtains their 
assent with as little difficulty as the king has obtained his own, 
for these men are dependent on him just as he is dependent on 
the king. The general assembly is a composite of a thousand 
little assemblies which, through their chiefs alone, are united 
about the prince." The king's will decided everything, the 
nobles only advised. 

In these assemblies Charlemagne dealt with matters con- 
cerning church and state alike; whenever he believed that 
priests or bishops were not performing their duties properly, 
he did not hesitate to correct them. Charlemagne's govern- 
ment was far from being as free and orderly as the governments 
under which most European nations live to-day; yet when we 
consider the difficulties of the time, and compare his govern- 
ment with that of his successors, we find him an able adminis- 
trator as well as a great warrior. 

The literatures of Greece and Rome had disappeared from 
use when Charlemagne came to the throne, and even the 
writings of the church scarcely survived. The only ^i Educa- 
" books " were costly parchment rolls written by hand, tion and the 
The two centuries from 600 to 800 produced only a few 
credulous lives of saints, and some barren "annals," or dry 
monastic histories. Charlemagne himself learned to speak and 
read Latin, in addition to his native German, and to under- 
stand Greek, though not to speak it. He never mastered the 
art of writing as then used, though he kept waxed tablets 
always by him to practice it. 



38 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



The Palace School — a kind of learned academy composed of 
the chief scholars and courtiers about the Emperor — played 
an important part in a revival of learning and literature. An 
Englishman named Alcuin was invited to the Emperor's court 
from York, which was then the most learned center in western 
Europe, and he became the chief scholar of the new circle. 
Others came from Italy, Spain, and other lands; some were 




if&my^l 



Royal Palace of Carolingian Times. 
From Viollet-le-Duc. 

grammarians, some poets, some theologians. Charlemagne dis- 
cussed with them astronomy, shipbuilding, history, the text of 
the Scriptures, theology, and moral philosophy. For the 
younger members of the royal family and court, there was more 
formal instruction, so that the Palace School may be regarded 
as a high school, as well as a literary and debating club. 

Charlemagne's care for education did not stop with his own 
court, since we read in the capitularies such commands as 
these: "Let schools be established in which boys may learn 



THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 



39 



1.146 



to read. Correct carefully the Psalms, the signs in writing, 
the songs, the calendar, the grammar, in each monastery „ . . 
or bishopric, and the Catholic books ; because often men Readings 
desire to pray to God properly, but they pray badly be- 
cause of the incorrect books. And do not permit mere boys 
to corrupt them in 
reading or writing. 
If there is need of 
writing the Gospel, 
Psalter, and Missal, 
let men of mature age 
do the writing with 
all diligence." 

Charlemagne was 
also a builder, plan- 
ning canals, building 
bridges, and restoring 
churches which were 
crumbling into ruin. 
But his work in this 
direction did little to 
check the artistic de- 
cay of the times. 
From the old resi- 
dence of the emperors 
at Ravenna, a hun- 
dred marble columns 

were taken for Charlemagne's palace at Aachen (Aix-la- 
Chapelle) ; thither also were transported pictures, mosaics, and 
precious sculptures. Charlemagne thus set a bad example to 
the ages which followed, and contributed to a robbery of the 
ancient monuments which, in the Middle Ages, caused more 
destruction among them than was caused by all the ravages 
of time and war. 




Cathedral at Aix-la-Chapellb. 

The octagon at center of the picture was built 
by Charlemagne; it is an example of the 
Byzantine style. 



40 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

The ten years following Charlemagne's coronation as Empe- 
ror were mainly spent at his capital Aachen. The only serious 

22. Charle- danger of the time came from the Scandinavian -'Vik- 
magne'sold j^gg" (creek men), whose piratical raids, beginning in 
death (814) this reign, foreshadowed the greater troubles of a century 

later. Charlemagne's prestige abroad was at its height ; ana 
to his court came envoys from the renowned Haroun-al-Rashid, 
caliph of Bagdad, whose present of an enormous elephant ex- 
cited the liveliest interest at the Frankish court. 

The last years of the great Emperor's life were clouded by 
family sorrows. He had been married five times and had 
many children. In arranging for the succession Charlemagne 
followed the old Teutonic practice of dividing the kingdom 
among his three sons, whom he established as sub-kings in his 
lifetime over portions of his realm. One of the chief differ- 
ences in the position of the monarch, as conceived by the 
Roman emperors and by the barbarian kings, was that the 
Eoman emperors in theory held their power as a trust in 
the name and interest of the state, — that is, of all, — while 
the barbarian kings, regarded the royal power as private prop- 
erty, to which ordinary rules of inheritance could be applied. 
Charlemagne's arrangement, however, broke down, owing to the 
fact that his two older sons died before him ; then Charle- 
magne placed the imperial crown on the head of his third 
son, Louis, and recognized him as his successor. Four months 
later, in January, 814, the old Emperor died of a fever, being 
upward of seventy years of age. 

Few men have left a deeper impression on their times, and 
around few have clustered so many legends. His personality 

23. Char- and habits are thus described by his secretary, Einhard : — 
acterof "Charles was large and strong, and of lofty stature, 
magne though not disproportionately tall. ' The upper part ot 

Lis head was round, his eyes very large and animated, nose 
a little long, hair fair, and face laughing and merry. Thus, 



THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 



41 



his appearance was always stately and dignified, whether he 
was standing or sitting. He took frequent exercise on horse- 
back and. in the chase. He enjoyed natural warm Einhard 
springs, and often practiced swimming, in which he was Charle- 

such an adept that none could surpass him; and thence '^^S^^'fco?!- 
it was that he built his palace at Aix-la-Chapelle, and densed) 

lived there constantly during his latter years until his death. 

"He used to wear the national, that is to say, the Frank, 
dress, — next his skin a linen shirt and linen breeches, and 
above these a tunic fringed with silk ; while hose fastened by 
bands covered his legs, and shoes his feet, and he protected 
his shoulders and chest in winter by a close-fitting coat 
of otter or marten 
skins. Over all he 
flung a blue cloak, 
and he always had 
a sword girt about 
him. 

" Charlemagne 
was temperate in 
eating and particu- 
larly so in drinking, 

for he abominated drunkenness in anybody, much more in 
himself and those of his household ; but he could not easily 
abstain from food, and often complained that fast days injured 
his health. His meals ordinarily consisted of four courses, 
not counting the roast, which his huntsmen used to bring in 
on the spit; he was more fond of this than of any other dish. 
While at table he listened to reading or music. The subjects 
of the readings were the stories and deeds of olden time ; he 
was fond, too, of St. Augustine's books, and especially of the 
one entitled The City of God. 

"While he was dressing and putting on his shoes, he not only 
gave audience to his friends, but if the Count of the Palace [the 
Harding's m. & m. hist. — 3 




Roasting on a Spit. 
From a MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 



42 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

chief judge of the Court] told him of any suit in which his 
judgment was necessary, he had the parties brought before 
him forthwith, took cognizance of tlie case, and gave his deci- 
sion, just as if he were sitting on the judgment-seat.'' 



imui)^-<^ /iLTikWmTni pi- 



4 



Signature of Charlemagne (790). 

Charlemagne made only the central part of the monogram KAROLVS 
(= Charles) ; the scribe wrote the rest, together with the words to the 
left and to the right, which are Latin for " Signature of Charles, the 
most glorious King." ^ 

Pepin the Short (751-768) deposed the last Merovingian 
*' do-nothing " king of the Franks, and became the first king of 
24. Sum- the Carolingian line. His son, Charlemagne, began his 
^^^7 sole rule in 771 and reigned until 814. He was the cen- 

tral figure of his time, and was one of the most remarkable 
men produced by the Middle Ages. He greatly extended. his 
kingdom through successful wars, ruled well in church and 
state, revived the Empire of the AVest in 800, and checked the 
decline of learning. With his coronation as Emperor a new 
age begins ; force alone no longer rules ; and great ideas, such 
as those which gave strength to the Papacy and the Empire, 
begin to play a part amid the strife of nations. 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) What did Clovis contribute to the development of the 

topics Frankish power ? What did Charles Martel contribute ? What did 

Pepin the Short contribute ? What did Charlemagne contribute? 

(2) In what consisted the greatness of Charlemagne ? (3) Why 

was the papacy more friendly to the Franks than to the other 



THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 



48 



barbarians? (4) Compare the German ideas of law with modem 
ideas. (5) Was it better for the Saxons to receive civilization 
from the Franks by force, or to work out a civilization of their 
own ? (6) Compare the extent of territory ruled over by Charle- 
magne with that ruled by the Eastern Emperor. 

(7) Contemporary accounts of the coronation of Charlemagne. 
(8) Alcuin. (9) Make a list of the other scholars of Charle- 
magne's court, with the countries of their birth and the things 
for which they are remembered. (10) The home life of the 
Franks in the time of Charlemagne. (11) The wars against the 
Saxons. (12) The wars against the Lombards. (13) Charle- 
magne's visit to Rome in 774. (14) The massacre of the Saxons. 
(15) Einhard's Life of Charlemagne. 



Search 
topics 



Secondary 
authonties 



REFERENCES 

Map, pp. 30, 31 ; Dow, Atlas^ vii. ; Freeman, Historical Oeog- Geography 
raphy, I. ch. v.; Gardiner, School Atlas of English History, ma,ip 6-^ 
Poole, Historical Atlas, map iv. 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 137-169 ; B^mont 
and Monod, Medieval Europe, 66-72, 167-210 ; Emerton, Mediaeval 
Europe, 3-14 ; Eryce, Holy Boman Empire, chs. iv. v. ; Henderson, 
Short History of Germany, I. 22-38 ; Duruy, History of France, chs. 
xii. xiii. ; Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, 151-235 ; 
Church, Beginning of the Middle Ages, 37-39, 88-98, 117-147; 
Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, ch. v. ; Duruy, 
Middle Ages^ 29-32, 61-66, 105-137; Stills, Studies in Medieval 
History, 58-97 ; Henderson, Germany in the Middle Ages, 49-81 ; 
Mombert, Charles the Great, 58-66, 86-153, 241-280, 354-368, 
394-407 ; West, Alcuin, 40-64 ; Hodgkin, Charles the Great, chs. v. 
vi. xi.-xiii. ; Oman, History of the Art of War, 47-62, 76-85 ; 
Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, VIII. 122-164, 190-205, 287-302 ; 
Bury, Later Boman Empire, II. bk. vi. ch. xi. ; Kitchin, History 
of France, I. 67-149 ; Historians' History of the World, VII. 466- 
556. 

Robinson, Beadings, I. ch. vii. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
Book, nos. 7-14, 46-49 ; Einhard, Life of Charlemagne ; University 
of Pennsylvania, Translations and Beprints, vol. HI. No. 2, pp. 
2-4, vol. VI. No. 5 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
189-201 ; Colby, Selections from the Sources of English History, 
16-19. 

G. Griffin, The Invasion ; Longfellow, Wayside Inn (The Poet's 
Tale, and The Student's Tale). 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



44 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



THE DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 

(1) Chaklemagne 



(In Italy and the 
Middle Strip) 

I 

(3) LOTHAIR I. 

(843-855) 
I 



(4) Locis II. 



LOTHAIR II. 

^^.^^ZB) LotlSrifgia, 
855-869) 



(768-814) 
I 



Pepin 
(d. 810) 

Bernard 
(d. 818) 



(2) Louis I., THE Pious 



(814-840) 



(In Germany) 



(In France) 



Pepin 

(d. 838) 



Charles 

(K.of 
Provence, 
855-863) 



Louis THE German 
(843-876) 



I 
(5) Charles the Bald 

(843-877) 



I 
Carloman 

(K.of 
Bavaria, 

876-880) 



Louis 



(6) Charles 
THE Fat 



(9) Arnulf 

K. of Germany 

(887-899) 

I 

Louis 

THE Child 

(900-911) 



Louis II. 

™^ THE Fat o ™^ 

Younger —-— ---- Stammerer 

(K.of (K.ofSwabia, (877-879) 

Saxony, 876-887, 

876-882) Kulerofall 

^^Carolingian lands, 

884-887, 

deposed 887, d. 888) 



RIVAL LINE IN FRANCE OF 
THE "ROBERTIANS" 

Robert the Strong, 
Duke of the French (d. 866) 



Louis III. Carloman Charles 
(879-882) (879-884) the Simple 
(posthumous) 
(S99-922) 
(d. 929) 

Louis IV. 
(D'Outremer) 

(936-954) 



Charles, Duke of 

Lower Lorraine 

(d. 994) 



Odo, Count of Paris 
(King, 888-898) 



Robert, Duke of the French 
(King, 922-923) 




Hugh the Great, 

Duke of the French 

(d. 956) 

Hugh Capet (King, 987-996), 
founder of the Capetian line 
which ruled France for eight 
hundred years (to 1792) 



Emma= Rudolph, 

Duke of Burgundy 
(King, 923-936) 



Explanation 

Names underscored thus are those of members of the Carolingian house who bore 
the title of Emperor. The seventh and eighth emperors, beginning to count 
with Charlemagne, were obscure Itahan princes, not of the Carolingian house. 

Indicates extinction of the male line. 

Indicates illegitimate descent. 



CHAPTEE III. 

THE LATER CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (814-911) AND THE 
FEUDAL SYSTEM 



The power which Charlemagne built up declined rapidly- 
after his death. His sou Louis was well-meaning and con- 
scientious, but without a spark of „r ^ . 
' ^25. Louis 

the genius of his father ; his care the Pious 
for religion, however, won for him ^ ^ 

the surname of "the Pious." The chief 
troubles of Louis's reign arose from his 
desire to set apart a portion of his king- 
dom for his youngest son Charles (after- 
wards called Charles the Bald), as he 
had done for the older sons; but the 
latter resented and three times resisted 
in arms the attempt to deprive them 
of territories for their young half- 
brother. 

The death of Louis the Pious, in 840, 
did not end the struggle; and two 

brothers, Charles the Bald and „^ ^ , 
' 26. Battle 

Louis the German, were soon ar- ofFontenay 

(841) 




Carolingtan Warrior. 

From Musee d'Artillerie, 
Paris. 



rayed against their elder brother, 
Lothair. All parts of the empire were 
represented in the decisive battle, which occurred in 841, at 
Fontenay, in eastern France. Never had so terrible a struggle 
been seen since Charles M artel fought the Saracens at Tours. 
One of the officers of Lothair's army describes the battle in a 

45 



46 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

rude Latin chant: "May that day be accursed!" he cries; 
"may it no more be counted in the return of the year, but 
Anailhert ^®^ ^^ ^® effaced from all remembrance ! . . . Never was 
quoted in there worse slaughter ! Christians fell in seas of blood ; 
Prince' I. • • • the linen vestments of the dead whitened all the 
^38 field like birds of autumn." 

The battle resulted in a complete victory for the two younger 
brothers, who then bound themselves by oaths at Strassburg to 
mutual aid. The language of these oaths shows the tongues 
used in the two armies. On the one side the oath began, " In 
Godes minna ind in thes christianes folches ind unser bedhero 
gealtnissi. ..." On the other it read, "Pro Deo amur et 
pro christian poblo et nostro commun salvament. ..." In 
English this clause would be, " For the love of God and for 
the common safety of the Christian people and ourselveso ..." 
The first can be recognized as in the language from which the 
German of to-day is derived ; the second is midway between 
Latin and modern French. 

After long negotiations a treaty was concluded by the three 
brothers at Verdun in 843. Louis received the eastern third 
27 P t' ^^ *^^® empire, beyond the rivers Aar and Rhine ; Charles 
tion of Ver- the western third, lying west of the Rhone and Scheldt ; 
^^ ^ ' and Lothair the strip between, with Italy and the im- 
perial title. This sweeping partition is the first step in the 
rise in western Europe of territories corresponding to na- 
tional states. We must not, however, press this point too 

_ . far. "These three countries were not states, for a 

Lavisse, ^ ^ ^ 

General state is an organized political entity; there were no 
lew, 37 states, properly speaking (at least no great states), before 
the close of the Middle Ages. Nor were they nations ; a nation 
is a definitely formed, conscious, and responsible person." 
Territories, however, were marked out by this treaty in which 
national states were in time to arise. Charles's portion cor- 
responds roughly to modern France, and Louis's to Germany; 



THE LATER CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (814-911) 



47 




A- U S T R>A S I a";, iSffiK - ' 

Rhenn j ^ '^ ' -, , " /• / s 

.....^ . Km. V*-,!;,," 
N E U S^T R I A \ -y^ x/ y-s-T^i 

bens, V V t^ -^^ ,y ^r, »-., « ^ . . 

,* tanj*-' LilrlfTftvni 








;$?^e«sfB^;llcs>^ i/r,io„.e„^^;^''U<:^y. ""o^e^f"^"*^ 







w ou lUW lou zui) ^JSS^ - i .»->* 

-EDITIlB-R.ANEAyW SEA ^^^L^^^* 



SCALE OF MILES 

"iS 100 150 200 



Partition of Verdun (843). 

the middle strip contained no elements of nationality, and its 
parts, together with Italy, were for ten centuries the object of 
conquests and the seat of European wars. 

The history of the later descendants of Charlemagne makes 
a confused and uninteresting story. The stock itself was 
enfeebled, and the quarrels and incompetence of rival 
rulers are not more noteworthy than the speed with later Caro- 
which all three lines became extinct. (1) In Italy, /8435b 87) 
Lothair died in 855, and his kingdom was divided 
among his three sons ; the eldest, though ruling only a small 
fraction of the territory of Charlemagne, was nevertheless 
styled Emperor. None of the sons of Lothair left male heirs, 



48 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

SO their territories passed upon their deaths to their cousins 

of France and Germany. (2) In Germany we see the same 

subdivision among three sons, followed by extinction of the 

male line, the last of the legitimate descendants of the 

eastern house being Charles the Fat. (3) In France, Charles 

the Bald upon his death in 877 left but one son, to whom 

descended the whole of his kingdom. This king ruled for 

but two years, and his two sons, who ruled jointly,^ died 

within five years thereafter. The nobles then chose as 

ruler Charles the Fat (884-887), the last of the three sons 

of Louis the German, in whose hands for a few brief years 

nearly the whole of Charlemagne's empire was reunited. 

The rule of Charles the Fat was as weak as it was short. 

Since the days of Charlemagne, the danger from the North- 

. men had become more pressinsr. From their homes in 
29. Raids of ^ ° 

the North- Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, these heathen sea- 

"^®^ rovers came each year, in fleets of from a hundred to 

three hundred vessels, to plunder and destroy. Their inva- 
sions may be looked upon as the last wave of the Germanic 
migrations. The scantiness of their harvests (due to the 
rigorous climate of the north), a lust for booty, the love 
of warfare and adventure, and political changes then taking 
place at home — all impelled these hardy seamen to set forth, 
England, Scotland, Ireland, and even Italy suffered from 
their attacks, as well as France and Germany. In their 
light ships they would ascend the rivers far into the heart 
of the land, and then seize horses to carry them swiftly to 
more distant scenes of plunder. In the latter part of the 
ninth century their invasions took on a new character, and 
became an emigration and colonization. In England half 
the kingdom passed into their hands, and was known as 
the Danelaw (878). In France monasteries and cities were 

1 A third son, Charles the Simple, was bom in 879, a few months after the 
death of his father. 



THE LATER CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (814-911) 49 

pillaged and burned, great stretches of country fell out of 
cultivation, and a large part of the population perished 
through massacre and starvation. Twice Paris itself was 
sacked. In 885-886 it was again besieged; and in spite of the 
heroic defense conducted bj its count and bishop, the "cow- 
ardly, unwieldy, incompetent" king, Charles the Fat, bought 
oft' the besiegers by the payment of a large sum of money. 

The weakness of Charles the Fat led to his deposition in 
887, and the division of the empire among many "little 
kings." In Italy two rival families struggled in vain 30. Lastcf 

to found an Italian kins'dom. In Provence, or Lower *?® Caic- 
^ ' Imgi-: ns 

Burgundy, and in Upper Burgundy, kingdoms were (887-987) 
founded which soon united to form the kingdom of Bur- 
gundy, or Aries. In all these regions the rule passed from 
the hands of the Carolingians. 

In Germany the power passed into the hands of an 
illegitimate branch of the Carolingian house. Arnulf, nephew 
of Charles the Fat, began the revolt that overthrew the 
latter, and for twelve years ruled there as king. In him 
something of the old Carolingian vigor and courage revived ; 
but his son, Louis the Child, who succeeded him, died in 
911, leaving no son, brother, or uncle ; and the rule of the 
descendants of Charlemagne in Germany came permanently 
to an end. 

In France only there existed, after 888, a legitimate repre- 
sentative (Charles the Simple) of the great house founded by 
the heroic mayors of the palace, and here the Carolingian 
rule continued, with many vicissitudes, for another century. 
Count Odo — the count who so bravely conducted the defense 
of Paris — was chosen king in France in 888, though he was 
not of the Carolingian house ; but in Aquitaine the desire of 
the nobles for a separate government led them to support 
the Carolingian prince, Charles the Simple, and refuse to 
recognize Odo; and after Odo's death (in 898) Charles was 



50 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

received as king by the whole realm. But the downfall of 
the Carolingians here was only postponed. In the end (987), 
the family of Odo triumphed over the last representative 
of the house of Charlemagne, and in France as elsewhere 
rulers not of the Carolingian house sat on the throne. 

Chief of the forces which broke up the unity of the Caro- 
lingian empire was feudalism. In its nature this was both a 

31. Rise of system of land tenure and a form of military, political, 
feudalism ^^^ social organization. In its origin it was a result of 

the persistent and growing state of anarchy which the Ger- 
manic invasions began, and which Charlemagne's rule only 
temporarily checked. The growing weakness of the gov- 
ernment obliged men everywhere to take upon themselves 
the burden of their own defense. Every lofty hilltop, every 
river-island and stronghold, became the site of a tower or 
castle, whose lord ruled the surrounding population. Later 
these castles were looked upon by the lower classes as 
centers of oppression, but* at first they were often viewed 
with different sentiments : they were then " the sure places of 
„ , deposit for their harvests and their goods ; in case of 

Coulanges, mcursions they gave shelter to their wives, their chil- 
VI. 682 dren, themselves ; each strong castle constituted the 
safety of a district." 

Three elements are found in the fully developed feudal sys- 
tem, each with a separate history. These are: (1) the personal 
element — vassalage; (2) the landed element — the benefice, 
or fief; (3) the political element — the rights of sovereignty 
exercised by the great seigneurs. 

(1) The personal element is that of which the roots go 
deepest into the past. Under the Roman Empire, when 

32. Vassal- oppressive government and barbarian raids made cliffi- 
age cult the position of the poorer freemen, many became 

the dependents of rich men, and rendered services in return 
for maintenance and protectiouo Among the Germans of the 



THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 61 

time of Tacitus, free-born warriors considered it an honor to 

enter the comitatus, or military following, of a successful chief. 
In the Frankish kingdom such relationships multiplied, and 
the Carolingian government sought to use the institution of 
personal dependence as a means to enforce military and other 
duties. A capitulary of Charles the Bald, in 847, went so far 
as to order "that each freeman in our kingdom choose the 
lord that he wishes/' About the year 900, the system of 
independent freemen had practically disappeared in western 
Europe, and society had become " a chain of vassals, in which 
subjection had its degrees, and mounted from man to man 
up to the king." 

The process by which a freeman became the vassal of 
another was called "commendation." Kneeling before the 
seigneur, or lord, the prospective vassal placed his hands in 
the hands of the other, and " commended himself " to him, 
promising to serve him honorably in such ways as a freeman 
should, so long as he should live. There were three purposes 
especially for which men went into vassalage : to escape the 
exactions of unrighteous lords ; to avoid the military and judi- 
cial services due the government; and to secure protection 
against invading Saracens, Northmen, and Hungarians. The 
tie established by commendation was at first purely personal, 
without reference to landholding, and was not hereditary ; but 
in course of time vassalage united with, and became subordi- 
nate to, the second or landed element of feudalism. 

(2) The benefice, or fief, was an estate in land or other prop- 
erty, the use of which was granted in return for stipulated 
payments or services. Such "usufructuary" tenures g^ ^^ 
were known under the later Roman Empire, and after benefice, 
the Germanic conquest they were greatly multiplied. 
The church especialljfc was instrumental in establishing them. 
Through gifts of pious individuals the clergy had come into 
possession of vast estates, the surplus produce of which could 



52 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

not be sold because of the almost total lack of roads and 
markets; it was an economic advantage, therefore, to grant 
away portions of this land in return for rents and services. 
The example set by the clergy was followed by great lay pro- 
prietors. Often, too, small "allodial" landowners (as those 
were called who owned their land in full proprietorship) sur- 
rendered their lands to the church, or to some powerful lay- 
man, and received them back again as a benefice. Thus the 
number of allodial estates constantly decreased, whereas that 
of benefices increased. 

The use made of the benefice by the government converted it 
from a mere economic device into a political one ; this change 
began in tlie time of Charles Martel, and was connected with 
a reorganization of the Frankish army. To meet the attacks 
of the Saracens a cavalry force was necessary, and the rule 
that each freeman should supply himself with weapons and 
serve at his own expense could no longer be applied, for the cost 
of providing a horse and heavy arms was too great. Charles 
Martel, therefore, granted land to his chief military fol- 
lowers on condition that they equip and maintain bands of 
cavalry for his service; and since the lands in his control 
were not sufficient, lands of the church were appropriated and 
used for this purpose. In these grants the personal and 
landed elements of feudalism were always united; for the 
lands granted by Martel and his successors were given only 
to those who already were, or were willing to become, the 
vassals of the grantor. These, in turn, exacted the same con- 
dition from those to whom they subgranted portions, and from 
this time the tendency was to unite vassalage and benefice 
holding. By the end of the ninth century the union became 
complete, and the benefice holder normally was a vassal, and 
the vassal normally was a benefice holder. Benefices thus 

Secretan, became "a sort of money with which the kings and the 

Essai sur la "^ 

F6odaliu,98 magnates paid for the services of which they had need." 



THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 53 

At first, benefices were granted for life only ; but gradually 
it became customary, upon the death of a tenant, for the lord 
to regrant the estate to the tenant's heir. Thus most benefices, 
in the eighth and ninth centuries, were in practice hereditary ; 
and the custom, without positive enactment, hardened into 
law. The earlier term " benefice " then gave place to the term 
"fief," which designates the fully hereditary estate held by a 
vassal on condition of mounted military service. 

(3) Political sovereignty, which formed the third element 

in feudalism, was not present in all fiefs, but was an integral 

part of the system. It consisted of the right possessed 34. Seigno- 

by the greater lords to do in their territories most of the ^^^J rights 

. , , of sover- 

acts which ordinarily are performed by the state — to eignty 

hold courts and try causes, to raise money, levy troops, wage 
war, and even coin money. Different lords possessed these 
rights in different degrees, but all the greater lords, both 
lay and ecclesiastical, possessed some of them. 

Such rights were acquired either through a grant of " immu- 
nity" by the crown, or through usurpation without royal 
grant. In the preceding chapter (§ 19) it has been seen that, 
to check the oppressions of the counts, immunities were 
granted,' particularly to the clergy, exempting the estates of 
the holders from the visitation and jurisdiction of royal officers. 
Thenceforth the count would have no control over such 
lands, and the functions which he formerly discharged there 
passed to the immunity holder, and were exercised, not as 
powers delegated by the state, but in his own right and for his 
own profit. In a similar manner, the counts made their offices 
and functions hereditary, along with the benefices which they 
held. Many lords who were neither royal officers nor pos- 
sessed of grants of immunity exercised similar rights by usur- 
pation. Thus in various ways sovereignty, which should have 
been possessed entire by the state, was split up into many 
bits, and each great seigneur seized such portions as he could. 



64 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



0' 



From the union of these three elements (vassalage, fief- 
holding, and the lord's rights, of sovereignty), in the eighth and 

^^ „ , ninth centuries, the feudal system arose. France was the 

35. Spread . 

of the feu- land of its earliest and most complete development, but 

dal system -^^ some form it was found in all countries of western 
Europe. In England after the Norman conquest, and in 
Palestine and the East at the time of the Crusades, the system 
was introduced from France, with some important modifica- 
tions : in England, in the direction of greater power for the 
crown ; in the East, in the way of more complete control by 
the feudal lords. In Spain, and in the Scandinavian countries, 
the system was of native growth, but never reached the com- 
pleteness which it gained in France and Germany. Until the 
end of the thirteenth century, the system flourished with Such 
vigor that this epoch may be styled preeminently the Feudal 
Age. In the fourteenth century a transformation set in, lasting 
to the close of the Middle Ages, by which feudalism ceased to 
be a political force, and became a mere social and economic 
survival. 

The theory of the feudal system was comparatively simple, 
but its practice was infinitely complex and confused. The 
36 ComDU- ^^^® ™^^ often held fiefs from several different lords, 
cations of of different rank, and had vassals under him on each 
fief. Thus the count of Champagne in the thirteenth 
century held fiefs divided into twenty-six districts, each cen- 
tering in a castle ; his lords included the Emperor in Germany, 
the king of France, the duke of Burgundy, the archbishops of 
Rheims and Sens, the bishops of Autun, Auxerre, and Langres, 
and the abbot of St. Denis, to each of whom he did "hom- 
age " and owed " service " ; portions of his lands and rights 
he " subinf eudated," on varying terms, to more than two 
thousand vassal knights, some of whom were also vassals for 
other fiefs from his own overlords. Monasteries frequently 
appear, under feudal conditions, both as lords and as tenants 



THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 55 

of fiefs ; and bishops owed feudal service for the lands an- 
nexed to their ofhces. 

The administration of justice usually went with the land; 
and since there were lordships above lordships, it miglit happen 
that in a given place the " high justice," or right to punish the 
most serious crimes (murder, robbery, arson, etc.) belonged to 
one lord, the "middle justice" to another, and the "low 
justice" to a third. The right to exercise jurisdiction was a 
profitable right, because of the fines and confiscations which it 
brought ; hence the right to administer one or another kind of 
justice was often made the subject of an express grant. Offices 
— even those of cook and miller — were granted as fiefs ; the 
right to half the bees found in a certain wood was granted in 
fief; in the thirteenth century money fiefs, or annual pensions 
in return for vassal service, became common. Behind all 
these grants lay a military reason — the desire of the lord to 
increase the number of his mounted and heavily armed follow- 
ers serving at their own expense. 

To the end of the Middle Ages there existed some allodial or 
non-feudal estates, scattered here and there amid feudalized 
lands ; but the maxim, " No land without a lord, no lord 37. Lord 
without land," expressed the rule. In the fully devel- and vassal 
oped feudal theory, God was the ultimate lord of all land. 
Family names derived from estates become common from the 
eleventh century. Military service, and the tenure of land on 
this condition, became the ground of a new nobility, descending 
from the king through the various grades of marquis, duke, 
count, viscount, to the lord of a single knight's fee. Each of 
these, save the last, had vassals and subvassals below him, 
created by the process of subinfeudation. Below them all 
were the peasants, styled " serfs " and " villeins," whose 
little plots of land were held of their lord on condition of 
manual services and regular payments, both of which were 
regarded as " ignoble." Possession of at least a few families 



66 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 




Act of Homage. 
Seal of the 12th century. 



of villeins was almost a necessity to the feudal lord, for it was 
mainly from their labor that he was fed and clothed, and 
enabled to equip himself with his steeds and costly armor. 
The tie which bound the feudal hierarchy together was one 
of personal contract, based on the grant and receipt of land, 

and witnessed by the "homage" 
done and " fealty " sworn by each 
vassal to his " suzerain," or lord. 
By this contract the vassal was 
pledged to render " service " to 
his lord ; the latter was bound to 
" protect " his vassal. The service 
was preeminently military — forty 
days a year, on horseback, at the 
vassal's expense, being the custom- 
ary limit. The vassal had to 
attend his lord's court when sum- 
moned, to aid with counsel and advice; he was obliged also 
when accused to stand trial by his fellow-vassals in this court. 
In addition, the lord might require payment of "aids" in 
money, on certain exceptional occasions : (1) when the lord 
knighted his eldest son ; (2) on the first marriage of his eldest 
daughter ; (3) to ransom his person from captivity ; and (4) to 
aid him in setting forth on a crusade. 

Primogeniture, or the succession of the eldest son, was the 
rule of feudal inheritance, as opposed to the equal division 
38. Feudal among all the children recognized by the Eoman and 
inheritance Teutonic law. Personal property might be disposed 
of by will, but feudal land could not ; in default of a recognized 
heir it "escheated" to the lord of the fief. On entering upon 
his inheritance, the heir of full age paid a " relief " in money 
(consisting usually of one year's revenue of the fief), did 
homage and fealty, and was then put in possession of his 
estate. If he was a minor, the lord often had the custody of 



THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 



57 



his person and of the fief, with the right to take the profits, 
until the heir became of age. Finally, the vassal could 
not sell or otherwise alienate his fief without the lord's con- 
sent; and over the marriage of the vassal's heir the lord 
possessed a measure of control. 

In case a vassal failed in the discharge of his obligations, he 
might be convicted of "felony," and his fief confiscated. In 
case the lord failed to protect, or otherwise wronged his 39. Feudal 
vassal, the latter might appeal to his lord's suzerain. warfare 
But ordinarily disputes were settled by force ; and the clash of 




Tournament of the Twelfth Century, 
From a 12th century MS. 

ill-defined interests, the hatred borne to neighbor and stranger, 
and the military habits of the time, made private warfare 
almost the normal condition of the Middle Ages. And since 
war was the chief occupation of the feudal class, mimic war- 
fare — the "joust" and "tournament" — was their favorite 
amusement. 

Down to the eleventh century, the armor consisted of a 

leather or cloth tunic covered with metal scales or rings, with 

an iron cap to protect the head. From the beginning of. the 

twelfth century, the hauberk was usually worn ; this was a 

Harding's m. & m. hist. — 4 



58 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

coat of link or chain mail, often reaching to the feet, and pos- 
sessing a hood to protect the neck and back of the head. 
Plate armor and the visored lielmet first appear in the 
fourteenth century. A shield or buckler of wood and leather, 
bonnd with iron and emblazoned with the knight's coat of 
arms, was carried on the left arm. The weapons were chiefly 
the lance and the straight sword. The weight of the armor 
made necessary a strong, heavy horse (the dextrarius) to 
carry the warrior in battle ; when on a journey he rode a 
lighter horse (the " palfrey "), while a squire or valet led the 
dextrarius, laden with his armor. No number of foot soldiers 
of the ancient sort could stand before warriors mounted and 
thus equipped, and it is in this military preeminence that we 
find one of the chief reasons for the long continuance of the 
feudal power. 

From the close of the tenth century the church exerted it- 
self to check the incessant fighting ; and two institutions thus 
40 Restric- ^^'^^^? called respectively " the Peace " and " the Truce 
tions of feu- of God." By the Peace, warfare upon the church and 
the weak — including peasants, merchants, women, and 
pilgrims — was perpetually forbidden in those districts where 
the Peace was adopted. By the Truce of God, a cessation of 
warfare was established for all classes during the period from 
Wednesday night to Monday morning of each week, and in all 
holy seasons (Lent, Advent, Whitsuntide, etc.) ; thus the 
number of days a year on which warfare could be carried on 
was greatly restricted. Violation of the Peace, or of the Truce, 
was punished with excommunication (§ 58) : in some districts, 
sworn associations of the laity and clergy, with special courts, 
treasuries, and armies, were instituted to punish violations ; but 
even thus the Peace and Truce were but imperfectly observed. 
As governments grew stronger, dukes, kings, and emperors 
exerted themselves to put down the abuse of private warfare. 
In Normandy, and in England after the Norman conquest, the 



THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 59 

crown enforced peace with a strong hand. In France also, by 
the beginning of the fourteenth century, the crown became 
strong enough to make progress in this direction. In Germany 
the Emperors early proclaimed the public peace {Landfrieden) ; 
but " robber barons " continued to exist, " fist-right " prevailed 
for long periods, and it was only at the very close of the 
fifteenth century that effectual steps were taken to enforce a 
permanent peace. 

In considering the feudal system as a whole, the following 
points should be borne in mind : (1) Practice often conflicted 
with theory, many vassals, for instance, becoming strong 41. General 
enough to throw off all dependence on their suzerains. of feudal^ 
(2) Customs varied greatly in different regions and at ism 

different times. (3) The hereditary principle gradually grew 
stronger, so that in many fiefs female inheritance, and the 
succession of collateral heirs, in default of heirs of the direct 
line, came to be recognized. (4) The principle of monarchy 
(which implies "sovereignty" over subjects) was in its nature 
opposed to feudalism (which gave only " suzerainty " over 
vassals), and monarchs, wherever strong enough, undermined 
feudalism both by direct limitations of feudal prerogatives, 
and by drawing to themselves, or " mediatizing," the vassals of 
their own tenants. (5) The rise of the cities as political 
organizations, from the eleventh century to the thirteenth, 
also weakened feudalism ; for their interests were opposed to 
those of the feudal lords, and they were enabled to combat 
them by the wealth which they acquired through industry and 
trade. (6) With all its defects feudalism served a useful 
purpose : it supplied a possible form of government at a time 
when complete anarchy was threatened; it kept alive the 
theory of a king and the state, standing above all feudal mag- 
nates, and thus furnished a basis on which subsequent genera- 
tions could erect centralized and efficient governments. 



60 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



The century whicli followed the death of Charlemagne saw 
the complete decline of the empire he had founded. Feudal- 
42. Sum- ism, new barbarian invasions, civil wars, and division of 
^^^ the empire sapped the central authority. After a fleeting 

reunion of the parts under Charles the Fat (884-887), there 
came a final separation of the Carolingian lands into a number of 
different kingdoms. In each of these the tendency was toward 
further separation and a further diminution of the powers of 
the crown. Society was in danger of being reduced to anarchy, 
and how to check this tendency was one of the problems of 
the immediate future. The gradual rise of the feudal system 
furnished a rude yet elastic bond, in which personal service, 
landholding, and political allegiance were intertwined; the 
result was a new society, ruled by the heavily armed, mounted 
knight, intrenched in his almost impregnable castle. 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



TOPICS 

(1) Was Louis the Pious a good man ? Was he a good ruler ? 
(2) Compare tlie later Carolingian kings with the later Merovin- 
gians. (3) How did the weakness of Charlemagne's descendants 
aid the growth of feudalism ? (4) What other factors cooperated ? 
(5) Compare the ninth century Northmen with the fifth century- 
Franks. (6) How does a feudal society differ from a modern state as 
regards taxation, coining money, administration of justice, main- 
tenance of an army, etc. ? (7) Why are such institutions as the 
Peace and Truce of God no longer necessary ? 

(8) Reformatory measures of Louis the Pious. (9) The treaty 
of Verdun and its significance. (10) Raids of the Northmen in 
the ninth century. (11) The lord's obligations. (12) The vas- 
sal's obligations. (13) Description of a battle in the Middle 
Ages. (14) Arms and armor of the knight. (15) Jousts and 
tournaments. (10) Tlie Peace and Truce of God. (17) Forces 
hostile to feudalis'.u. (18) Tlie advantages and disadvantages of 
feudalism. (10) Non-European feudalism (Japan), 



REFERENCES 

Geoirraphy Maps, pp. 47, 30, 31 ; Freeman, Historical Geography^ I. ch. vi. 

Poole, Historical Atlas, map xxxiii. j Dow, Atlas, vii. 



THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 61 

Diiruy, History 0/ i^V'a wee, ch.xviii.; Adams, Civilization during Secondary 
the Middle Ages, chs. viii. ix. ; B^mont and Moiiod, Medieval a-^t^o^ities 
Europe, chs. xiv.-xvi. ; Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, 21-40 ; Hen- 
derson, Short History of Germany, 38-48 ; Church, Beginning 
of the Middle Ages, ch. viii.; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 
Middle Age, chs. vi. xi.; Oman, Dark Ages, chs. xxiii.-xxv.; Duruy, 
Middle Ages, chs. x. xi.; Henderson, Germany in the 3Iiddle Ages, 
chs. vi. vii.; Stills, Studies in Medieval History, 130-145 ; Oman, 
History of the Art of War, bk. iii. chs. ii. iii,; Kitchin, France, I. 
150-159 ; Keary, Vikings in Western Christendom, chs. v. ix. xv. ; 
Boyesen, Norway, 1-44 ; Jewett, Normans, chs. i.-iv.; Emerton, 
Introduction to the Middle Ages, ch. xiv. ; Baldwin, Scutage and 
Knight Service in England, Introduction ; Seignobos, Feudal 
Begime ; Munro and Sellery, 3fedieval Civilization, 18-33, 159- 
211 ; Boutell, Arms and Armour, chs. vii.-ix. ; Historians^ History 
of the World, VII. 557-594, VIII. 481-501. 

Robinson, Headings, I. chs. viii.-ix.; Thatcher and McNeal, Sources 
Source Book, nos. 15-23, 180-230, 234-239; University of Penn- 
sylvania, Translations and Beprints, vol. IV. No. 3; Henderson, 
Documents of the 3Iiddle Ages, bk. ii. no. v. ; Jones, Civilization 
in the Middle Ages, Nos. 4, 5. 

The Song of Boland ; Bulfinch, Charlemagne, or Bomance of 
the Middle Ages ; Gautier, Chivalry. 



j \Catl(i)lic Christian Churcli 

' ' in time of Pope Gregory J 

590-604. 

I 1 Old Celtic Christian 

' ' Church. 

Lost to Mohammedanism 
if/ 814. 

I 1 Converted to Christianity 

' ' by 814. 




M0HA9INEDANS, CHRISTIANS, 

AND PAGANS 

ABOUT 000-814 

SCALE OF MILES 



MOirAMiHEDANS, CHKISTIANS, 
AND PAGANS 

NEAR KND OF IITH CENTDBY 
SCALE OF MILES 




I I Homan Catholic Church. 

I I Gre.k 

l*m^iJ Mohammedans . 
tj-'S''J Intermixed colors indicate 
intermixture of rcliffion^. 



CHAPTER IV. 

SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS IN GERMANY AND 
FRANCE (911-1024) 

The dissolution of the Carolingian empire, the rise of feudal- 
ism, and new barbarian invasions made the end of the ninth 
century a time of confusion and disorder. The Viking 43. Begin- 

raids of the Northmen still continued. The Saracens ^^f£.JJ, „^„® 

tentn cen- 

held Sicily securely, again and again fastened themselves tury 

upon southern and central Italy, and long held a post on the 
coast of Provence. The Slavs beyond the lower Elbe, and in 
Bohemia and Moravia, proved troublesome. FroDi out of far- 
distant Asia came the Magyars, or Hungarians, another of those 
terrible swarms which, like the Huds, the Avars, and later the 
Turks, threatened to destroy civilization ; settling in the rich 
plains of the middle Danube and the Theiss (896), they 
extended their raids into Italy, Germany, and Prance. Europe 
seemed relapsing into barbarism and chaos ; disorder, weak- 
ness, and ignorance increased ; and not until the middle of 
the tenth century did improvement come. 

The worst part of the Hungarian attack fell upon Germany, 
where the weakness of the central power after the fall of the 
Carolingians threw the burden of defense on local counts ^^ Disinte- 
and dukes. These officers used the opportunity to build gration of 
up a number of powerful, semi-national duchies. Thence- 
forth, though nominally a monarchy, the German government 
took on the character of a confederation, governed by the 
hereditary princes who ruled the great duchies. 

There were four of these German duchies in the tenth and 

63 



^iil^H SEA ' X^--lV^ /^^^ SEk 



^RlES/ AND 

• Utrecht ■■■"\ 

Irun wiJk 

/Ghent 7^A«ehen<^^ = ,./ V-^URINGIA r Si tA^^? 

LOwpdK^-/-* «\Col<fce HESSE V: / "'^"^"^ ' 



=# 



Cru' 



Vor. *>Co'<*n8' HESSE 



5»;5-i^^_^^ ■ y\ f^ R A N C O N I A \-«'iS^^^--^ 

.iTrojes U \ ' 8^1^JlL •••••;v^ CaBtle;3r^ (R^gen^u^'g^ 



^,.. 



3/ E 







Gu// of 
Genoa 



THE HOLY ROMAN E3IPIRE 

IN THE 

TENTH AND ELEVENTH CENTURIES 



SCALE OF MILES 
200 



SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLlNGlANS (911-1024) 65 

eleventh centuries, not counting Lotharingia (Lorraine), which 
was sometimes Grerman and sometimes French. (1) In the 
valley of the Danube, and its tributary the Inn, lay the duchy 
of Bavaria, with Eatisbon (Regensburg) as its principal city. 
(2) To the west, embracing the head waters of the Ehine and 
Danube and taking in what is now eastern Switzerland, was 
the duchy of Swabia. (3) North of this, including the middle 
course of the Ehine, the valley of the Main, and the lower 
course of the river Neckar, was the duchy of Franconia. 
(4) ISTorth of this again, in the low plains drained by the Ems, 
the Weser, and the lower Elbe, lay the duchy of Saxony. 
Thuringia was loosely connected with Saxony, as Friesland was 
with Lotharingia. Each of the duchies was subdivided into 
counties ; and over the border counties (styled marks, or 
"marches") the counts acquired such large powers that they 
became practically independent of their dukes. Thus the 
Ostmark (East March) of Bavaria, established as a defense 
against the Hungarians, developed into Oesterreich (Austria) ; 
and the North March of Saxony, into Brandenburg, a nucleus 
of the present kingdom of Prussia. 

On the death of Louis the Child (§ 30), Conrad I., duke of 
Franconia, was elected king (911-918). The Saxon duke, 
however, proved stronger than King Conrad; and on his 45. Earlj 
deathbed Conrad sent the insignia of royalty to Henry, of^ermany 
"the Fowler," head of the Saxon house, who was there- (919-973) 
upon elected king ; and for five successive reigns the crown 
remained in this family.^ During a nine-years' truce with the 
Hungarians Henry I. (919-936) gave a great impulse to town 
life in Saxony by building numerous fortified places, in which 
one out of every nine free peasants should dwell, to receive 
and store up a third of the harvests of the other eight; he also 
teaiiaformed the Saxon infantry into cavalry, and was thus 
enableci to repuise tne next iiungarian attack (933). 
1 See table at foot of p. 98. 



66 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

The greatest of tlie Saxon kings was Henry's son, Otto I. 
(936-973). He ably warred against the Hungarians, and in- 
flicted upon them a decisive defeat (955) on the river Lech, 
near Augsburg ; after this they gradually settled down to agri- 
cultural and pastoral life. Under their king, Saint Stephen 
(979-1038), they were converted to Christianity ; and in the 
year 1000 they were received into the family of European 
nations by the gift of a royal crown from the Pope. By their 
settlement in Europe and acceptance of Roman Christianity, 
the boundary of Western Christendom was shifted far east- 
ward. 

Otto's reign saw the beginning of an important German ex- 
pansion northeastward, at the expense of the Slavs, which won 
for modern Germany some of its most 
important territory. The king of the 
Bohemians was forced to recognize Otto 
as his overlord, and his people were 
brought within the circle of German 
influence. Step by step with the exten- 
sion of German rule, went the progress 
of Christianity : an archbishopric was 

established at Magdeburg (in 967), and 
Ring Seal of Otto I. o o v /; ^ 

a number of bishoprics dependent on it 

were erected; and from these centers civilization and Chris- 
tianity slowly radiated among the neighboring Slavs. The 
duke of the Poles had accepted Christianity in 966, and his 
successor established a powerful but unstable kingdom. 

The way, meanwhile, was prepared for the extension of 

German influence in Italy. Since the downfall of Charles the 

46. Italy Fat (887) Italy had suffered many ills. Saracen and 

papacy Hungarian raids had devastated the land, and whole cities 

(887-950) were ruined. Feudalism, which in other countries was a 

defense to the people, here encountered strong opposition from 

the artisan and merchant classes ; and municipal governments, 




SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 67 

centering about the bishops of the towns, came into existence 
to combat the seigneurs. A series of shadowy kings and em- 
perors arose, seeking to lay the foundations of a national 
monarchy ; but, as a writer of the time said, " The Italians 
always wish to have two masters, in order to keep the Liutprand 
one in check by the other " ; thus no ruler won undis- ^-^ Cremona 
puted recognition, and disunited Italy, for nine hundred years, 
endured the rule of strangers. 

Why was not the Pope the head and defender of Italy ? 
The reason was that the papacy was suffering from the same 
anarchy that attacked the empire. Deprived of the protection 
of a strong imperial power, it became a prey to corrupt and 
greedy local nobles; and violence, bloodshed, and scandal pre- 
vailed through the greater part of the first half of the tenth 
century. 

The disorders in Italy finally forced Otto I. to intervene 
in 951 ; and ten years later he led an army a second time into 
Italy. At Milan he now assumed the iron crown of 47. Revival 
Lombardy; and at Eome, on February 2, 962, he was ^ \h-ebv 
crowned Emperor by the Pope. A few days later he Ottpl. (962) 
confirmed all the grants that had been made to the Popes by 
Pepin and Charlemagne, and decreed that the papal elections 
should thereafter be conducted with the fullest liberty. 

The coronation of Otto revived the imperial title and 
refounded the empire of Charlemagne, to last (at least in ' 
name) for about eight centuries and a half longer. The new 
empire differed in some important respects from the former 
one. France no longer made part of it, and imperial inter- 
ests were confined almost entirely to Germany and Italy. 
The very title used, that of "the Holy Roman Empire of the 
German nation," indicates its Teutonic nature. The close 
connection between Germany and Italy, which the empire 
brought about, proved hurtful to -both : to Italy it brought the 
ruin of all hopes of nationality and of a native government ; 



68 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

for Germany it meant the sacrij&ce of the substance of power 
at home for the shadow of dominion beyond the Alps. To 
the papacy alone the connection was of immediate value, for 
the imperial power protected it against the greed and corrup- 
tion of local nobles. 

It was largely the personal qualities of Otto I. — his energy, 
courage , and military skill — that made his reign so success- 
48. The ful. His son. Otto II. (973-983), struggled with fair 
Einperors^^ success against forces which fear of Otto I. had kept 
(973-1002) in check; but his death at the early age of twenty- 
eight left the throne to his three-year-old son. Otto III. 
(983-1002). In the minority of Otto III., first his mother 
Theophano (a Byzantine princess), and then his grandmother 
Adelaide, watched over the empire as regents. Again there 
were rebellions, and Slav and Danish invasions, and the royal 
authority declined. In 996 Otto was declared of age, visited 
Kome with an army, and was crowned Emperor. His char- 
acter was a strange mixture of religious enthusiasm, exalted 
imperial dreams, and practical weakness. His closest friend 
and teacher was a French monk named Gerbert, who had 
studied in Spain, and whose rare mathematical knowledge 
made him seem a magician to after ages; in 999 Gerbert be- 
came Pope, with the name Sylvester II. — the first French 
Pope. In pursuit of his imperial dreams. Otto abandoned 
Germany and 'made Rome his capital, where he surrounded 
himself with high-sounding officials and an elaborate ceremo- 
nial in imitation of the Byzantine court. Soon the fickle 
Romans revolted; and hurt at their ingratitude. Otto wan- 
dered about Italy, until his death in January of the next 
year (1002). The German nobles, meanwhile, multiplied 
their castles and independent jurisdictions, and ruined the 
land with violence and warfare. 

With the death of Otto IH. the male line of Otto the Great 
came to an end, and there was again opportunity for a free 



SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 69 

election. The choice fell upon the duke of Bavaria (a great- 
grandson of Henry I. ; p. 98), who reigned as Henry II. 
(1002-1024). Abandoning the romantic dreams of Otto III., 
he concerned himself with defending and reorganizing Ger- 
many ; in Italy he seldom appeared. The name Henry "the 
Saint," given him by mediaeval historians, was merited by the 
conscientiousness with which he performed his religious duties, 
and the ^ifts and favors he showered upon the church; but 
he ruled the clergy, not they him. 

From Germany and Italy we must turn to France. There 
the chief events of the tenth century were (1) the establish- 
ment of the Northmen on French soil, and (2) the final 49. Duchy 
overthrow of the Carolingian dynasty. °^ founded 

The repulse of the Northmen from Paris, in 886, did (911) 

not prevent them from settling in increasing numbers in the 
lands about the lower Seine. In 911 their leader was E-olf 
(or Eollo), called "the Ganger " or "the Walker," because his 
gigantic size prevented his finding a horse to carry him. 
Under his leadership, says an old writer, " the pagans, William of 
like wolves of the night, fell upon the sheepfolds of Jumieges 
Christ ; the churches were burned, women dragged off captive, 
the people slain." Many times the invaders had been bought 
off with gifts of money ; it was now resolved to follow the 
example of England and buy them off with a grant of land. 
At a meeting between the French king and Kolf, in 911, it 
was agreed that Rolf should have the lands about the lower 
Seine as the vassal of the king of France, that he should 
cease his attacks, and that he and his followers should become 
Christians. The name Normandy (Northmen's land) was 
soon given this region, and the Northmen ceased to trouble 
the kingdom. 

Kolf and the Norman dukes after him were men of ability, 
and the race itself was of the sturdiest Teutonic stock. With 
remarkable rapidity the Normans took on their neighbors' 



70 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

religion, language, and customs. Normandy became a feudal 

principality, differing from the other fiefs of northern France 

only in the ability with which it was governed, and the hardy 

and adventurous character of its inhabitants. *' France," 

exclaims a historian of the eleventh century, " thou wast 
Dudo, His- 
tory of the bowed down, crushed to earth. . . . Behold, there comes 

Normans ^^ ^^^^ ivom Denmark a new race. . . . That race shall 
raise thy name and thy empire, even unto the heavens ! " In 
the Norman conquest of England and of southern Italy (here- 
after to be related), in the leading part which the Normans 
played in the Crusades, and in the hardy character of their 
seamen to the end of the Middle Ages, evidences of their 
superior vigor and daring were abundantly given. 

The final overthrow of the Carolingiau house in France was 
effected by a member of the family of that Count Odo who 
50. Rival won fame in the defense of Paris in 886. The power of 
in France *^^^ family (called Robertians, after an ancestor, Eobert 
(888-987) the Strong) rested (1) on the ability of its heads as war- 
riors and statesmen ; (2) on the possession of great estates in 
northern France, more extensive even than those possessed by 
the Carolingiau kings ; and (3) on the office of " Duke of the 
French," which gave the holder the military supremacy in north- 
ern France. The hundred years following the siege of Paris 
was one long contest for the throne between the Carolingians 
and the Robertians. The successive kings of this period are 
shown in the table on p. 44. The reign of the Carolingiau 
Charles the Simple (§ 30) was followed by a period of Rober- 
tian rule (922-936), and this in turn by the reigns of three 
Carolingiau kings : Louis IV. (936-954), called Louis " D'Outre- 
mer " from his residence " beyond the sea " in England at the 
time of his accession; Lothair (954-986) ; and Louis V. (986- 
987), who died of a fall from a horse, leaving no child. 

These last Carolingians saw their power grow steadily less. 
The head of the Robertian house at the close of the period 



SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLlNGIANS (911-1024) 71 

was Hugh Capet, so called from the cape or hood which he wore; 
of his power it was said by one of his chief supporters, " Lothair 
is king in name only : Hugh does not bear the title, but he is 
king in fact." When Lothair's son and successor died without 
children, the way was clear for Hugh to secure the throne. 

For the past hundred years the throne of France had really 
been elective, the great nobles choosing the king now from one 
family and now from the other. In the assembly called g^ q^ 

in 987 to settle the succession, it was possible for the petian 

archbishop of Eheims, the leading clergyman of the established 
kingdom, to use this language : " We are not ignorant (^^'^) 

that Charles of Lorraine [brother of Lothair] has partisans 
who pretend that the throne belongs to him by right of 
birth. But if the question is put in that fashion, we j^cher bk. 
will say that the crown is not acquired by hereditary ^^- c/i. xL 
right, and that he alone should be raised to the throne who is 
distinguished by elevation of character as well as by blood." 
His arguments won the day, and Hugh was chosen king " of 
the Gauls, Bretons, Normans, Aquitanians, Goths, Spaniards, 
and Basques," — that is, king of all France. The mention of 
these different peoples shows how far they were from being 
welded as yet into a single nation. 

The change of dynasty in France is to be looked upon as 
entirely the result of a combination of persons and circum- 
stances, due to no difference of principles. Yet it was an 
event of prime importance, for it gave to France a line of 
rulers (lasting to the end of the eighteenth century) who 
transformed the elective monarchy into an hereditary one, and 
built up, on the foundations laid by the Carolingians, the first 
strong, centralized, modern state. 

The energy and daring which produced the Northmen's settle- 
ments in England and France manifested itself in 52. The 
other exploits. Viking bands from the mother lands g^^thern 
of the north discovered and settled Iceland (861-875) Italy 



72 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



and Greenland (983), and even visited 



Vinland " or America 
(about the year 1000). 
In Russia (about 862) 
Swedish Vikings es- 
tablished a dynasty 
which ruled that land 
for seven hundred 
years. The Normans, 
or descendants of the 
Northmen on French 
soil, were also to make 
farther conquests : the 
circumstances which 
established their duke 
as king of England 
are related in another 
chapter (§ 158) ; sec- 
ond in importance 
only to this was their 
establishment in 
southern Italy. 

Since the days of 
Charlemagne, the 
East-Eoman (Byzan- 
tine) or Greek Empire 
had preserved an un- 
certain foothold in 
southern Italy, threat- 
ened by the growth 
of feudal lordships, by 
the pretensions of Ger- 
man kings, and bj 
Saracen invasions. Sicily since 878 had been almost wholly 
Saracen, and Sardinia, after 900, was also in Mohammedan 




Norse Art. 

Carved door from an old church in Iceland ; now 
in Copenhagen Museum. From Du Chaillu's 
The Viking Age. 



SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 73 

hands. In the first half of the ninth century, Saracens had 
gained a footing in southern Italy, and though they were 
temporarily dislodged, no permanent relief could be hoped 
for while the neighboring lands were theirs. Early in the 
eleventh century (1017) a new factor entered when a revolted 
noble enlisted Norman adventurers against the Greek governor. 
Soon other Normans flocked thither, to take service under 
different princes and nobles, selling their swords to the highest 
bidders. Presently they began to establish o, power of their 
own ; and in 1071 they took Bari, the last possession of the 
Greek governors in Italy. 

In these conquests five of the twelve sons of a poor Norman 
noble played principal parts. The eldest, William of the Iron 
Arm, began the work of expelling both the Greeks from 
Apulia and the Saracens from Sicily ; his brothers assisted and 
continued the task. The fourth brother, Robert Guiscard 
(which means "the cunning"), made the greatest name for 
himself. The daughter of the Greek Emperor describes him 
as he appeared to his enemies : " His high stature excelled 
that of the most mighty warriors. His complexion was ruddy, 
his hair fair, his shoulders broad, his eyes flashed fire. It is 
said that his voice was like the voice of a whole multitude, and 
could put to flight an army of sixty thousand men." Like all 
the Normans, he was a cruel conqueror, and to this day ruined 
cities bear witness to his ferocity. Before he died (in 1085) all 
southern Italy acknowledged him as lord, save only the lands 
about the Bay of Naples, and the papal duchy of Benevento. 

The conquests of Eoger, the youngest of the family, were 
equally remarkable. On the invitation of discontented Chris- 
tians, he landed in Sicily in the year 1060, and after thirty 
years of untiring warfare he succeeded in conquering the last 
of that island from its Saracen rulers. 

In Italy and Sicily the Norman princes showed the same 
tolerance for the language, laws, customs, and beliefs of the 



74 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

conquered, and the same adaptability to new conditions, that 
they displayed elsewhere. The result was that on the ruins 
of G-reek, Lombard, and Saracen power they erected a strong 
feudal state which, with some inevitable changes, lasted until 
the establishment of the present kingdom of Italy in the nine- 
teenth century. 

Eeviewing the developments of the tenth and eleventh 
centuries, we see that one of the problems presented by the 
53. Sum- dissolution of the Carolingian empire had been solved j 
i^ary ^i^q centrifugal tendency had been brought under control, 

and political disintegration checked. Feudalisrh, with its 
organization of society on the basis of private contract devel- 
oping into hereditary right, proved a uniting as well as a dis- 
integrating force ; it served to bind together, however loosely, 
the fragments of society until other and stronger ties could 
operate. Monarchical government proved another political tie 
Germany under the Saxon kings seemed nearer to attaining 
national monarchical union than any other Carolingian land ; 
but this result the tendencies of the next three centuries were 
to defeat. In France and England the foundations of strong 
monarchies were laid, in the one by the accession of Hugh 
Capet, in the other by the ISlorman Conquest. These countries, 
therefore, earlier than any others in the' West, were to attain 
unity and strength. The revival of the Holy Eoman Empire 
by Otto the Great (962) gave a fictitious unity to AVegtern 
Christendom by its claims to theoretical subordination of all 
kingdoms to itself ; but the imperial supremacy was seldom 
recognized in fact, and the persistence of the Empire was more 
important for its bearing on men's aspirations and ideals than 
for its influence on practical policies. 

With the checking of political disintegration went on a 
widening of the area of AVestern civilization. Hungarians, 
Bohemians, and Poles were formed into Christian kingdoms, 



SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 75 

while other Slavonic tribes were absorbed into Germany. The 
Christian kingdoms of Scandinavia — Norway, Denmark, and 
Sweden — arose, and offshoots of the Northmen's race estab- 
lished themselves in France, Italy, and England. In Spain, 
Christian principalities slowly gained ground at the expense of 
tne Mohammedans ; in Russia, civilization and Christianity 
made their way from Constantinople among the native Slavs 
and their Swedish rulers. The Eastern Empire held its own 
against the Bulgarians, Hungarians, and Servians (a Slavonic 
people) who beset it on the north, and against the Mohamme- 
dans who attacked it from the east. Christianity and civiliza- 
tion, in short, maintained themselves, and slowly spread from 
the Mediterranean countries towards the farthest confines of 
Europe. 

TOPICS 

(1) Compare the weakness of the Carolingian empire in the Suggestive 
ninth and tenth centuries with that of Rome in the fourth and *°P^^^ 
fiftli. (2) Was the decline due primarily to the increase of dan- 
gers from witliout or to decay within ? (3) Why did Germany 
suffer most from the Hungarians ? (4) Why were the Northmen 
the chief enemies of France ? (5) Why should the border counts 
gain larger powers than the counts in other regions ? (6) How 
long had the Saxons been Christians when their duke became king? 
(7) With what movements in our own history may the German 
expansion eastward be compared ? (8) Compare the empire of 
Otto I. with that of Charlemagne. (9) Show on an outline map 
the extent of the empire under the Saxon emperors, marking the 
German duchies. (10) Was the grant of Normandy to Rolf a wise 
or an unwise step on the part of the French king? (11) Did it 
benefit or injure France ? (12) How does the Norman conquest of 
southern Italy differ from the Northmen's settlement in France ? 

(13) The coming of the Hungarians. (14) Henry I.'s fortresses Search 
and army reorganization. (15) Victory over the Huns on the topics 
Lech. (16) Character of Otto I. (17) His first expedition to 
Italy and marriage to Adelaide. (18) Gerbert as scholar and 
teacher. (19) Decline of the Carolingians in France. (20) Hugh 
Capet. (21) The Northmen in Russia. (22) The discovery and 
settlement of Iceland. (23) The Normans in Italy. (24) Robert 
Guiscard. 



76 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



REFERENCES 



Geography 



Secondary- 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



Maps, pp. 62, 64, 30, 31 ; Freeman, Historical Geography^ 11. 
(Atlas), map 21; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxiv. liv. ; Gar- 
diner, School Atlas, map 8 ; Dow, Atlas, viii. 

Emerton, Mediceval Europe, chs. iii.-v.; Bemont and Monod, 
Medieval Europe, ch. xvii. ; Bryce, Holy Roman Empire (revised 
ed.), chs. vii.-ix. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 12-51 ; Henderson, 
Germany in the Middle Ages, chs. viii.-x.; Church, Beginning of 
the Middle Ages, ch. x.; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 
Middle Age, ch. viii.; Milman, History of Latin Christianity, HI. 
bk. V. chs. xi.-xiii. ; Fisher, Medieval Empire, I. 94-102 ; Gibbon, 
Decline and Fall of the Boman Empire (Bury's ed.), VI. chs. Iv. 
Ivi. ; Gregorovius, Rome in the Middle Ages, III. bk. vi. chs. v. vi.; 
Kitchin, France, I. bk. ii. ch. v.; Historians'' History of the World, 
VII. 595-645. 

Robinson, Readings, I. 194-196, 245-260; Thatcher and McNeal, 
Source Book, nos. 24-29, 53-56 ; Henderson, Documents of the 
Middle Ages. Appendix, 442. 

C. M. Yonge, The Little Duke; Scheffel, Ekkehard -, G. W. 
Dasent, I%e Vikings of the Baltic. 



CHAPTER V. 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 

The unbroken rule of the church over the lives and spirits 
of mankind, down to the time of the Reformation, is the most 
striking feature of mediaeval history. Through the organ- 
ized church, the barbarians who had overwhelmed the ence of the 
Roman Empire were brought into the Christian fold ; ^ ^^° 

and it afterwards exerted a powerful force among the Western 
nations toward establishing political unity and promoting uni- 
formity of manners, of usages, of law, and of religion. Despite 
the ignorance, ambition, and corruption which crept into it, 
the church persistently held aloft a higher standard of morals 
than that of the laity, and championed the cause of the poor 
and oppressed in an age of violence and sensuality. Of ^ ,, 
its head a Protestant historian says, " The papacy as a Eeforma- 
whole showed more of enlightenment, moral purpose, and ^^^' '^ 

political wisdom than any succession of kings or emperors 
that mediaeval Europe knew." 

Very early there arose a legal setting off of the clergy from 

the laity. To the clergy alone were committed the conduct of 

worship, the administration of the sacraments, and the gg ^^ 

government and discipline of the Christian community. clergy as 

As time passed, the distinctions between the two classes 

became deeper, the one being likened to the soul, the other to 

the body. Gradually a hierarchy of orders and offices was 

formed among the clergy. Says the twelfth-century author 

of a popular text-book : " Seven are the ecclesiastical ^^^^^ ^^^^ 

bard, Sen- 
ranks, to wit: doorkeepers, readers, exorcists, acolytes, tentise 

Harding's m. & m. hist. — 5 77 



78 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



subdeacons, deacons, priests ; but all are called 
' clerks ' " (i.e. clergy). The ceremony of " tonsure " 
marked the entrance of the candidate into minor 
orders : in the Eastern Church this meant the clip- 
ping of the hair over 
the whole head; in 
the Eoman or Latin 
Church, the top only 
was shaved, leaving a 
narrow strip all around. 
The clergy wore gar- 
ments of peculiar cut, 
to distinguish them 
from the laity and one 
order from another. 
That they might serve 
The Tonsure. God with more single- 

From a 14th century MS. ness of purpose, it was 

/|w| j,')| \ ordered in the West, from the fourth century on, 
|ife^3i| that priests and the higher clergy should be "celi- 
' /^ ^-7 bate," that is, should not marry. In the Eastern 
d^Ji^C'y\\, ^^' Gi-reek Church the practice of celibacy was 
^ ^^^^--!^'^■' generally confined to the monks, and even in the 
Latin Church several centuries passed before it 
became universal. To secure independence in 
administering religious rites, the clergy claimed 
" immunity " from the secular law and the secular courts, so 
that a clergyman might be tried only before ecclesiastical 
courts, and by church or " canon " law. This privilege, known 
as ^' benefit of clergy," crept sooner or later into the laws of 
every nation of Europe ; and the evils in it were seen when 
persons who had no intention of becoming priests became 
clerics, or clerks, merely that they might secure protection in 
their misdeeds. 







THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 



79 



The power of the clergy rested upon the position of the priest 
as mediator between God and man, and as the authoritative 
teacher in matters of faith and morals. In the teaching gg ^^ 
of the church, the " sacraments " were recognized as the sacraments 
ordinary chanuels of divine grace, and these (with the excep- 
tion of baptism and matrimony) the clergy only could validly 
administer. The sac- 
raments were seven 
in number: (1) In 
the sacrament of Bap- 
tism the child (or 
adult) was made a 
member of the Chris- 
tian community. 
(2) Confirmation ad- 
mitted him into full 
fellowship. (3) The 
Holy Eucharist (or 
Lord's Supper), ad- 
ministered in the 
Mass, was the central 
feature of mediaeval 
worship, for in this rite 
the spirit of the par- 
ticipant was strength- 
ened by the reception 
of the body and blood 
of the Savior. The 
term "transubstantia- 
tion" was introduced 
in the thirteenth cen- 
tury to designate Three Sacraments : Ordination, Marriage, 

- , , _ Extreme Unction. 

precisely that the sub- 
Part of a triptych painted in the 14th century ; 
stance of the bread Antwerp Museum. 




80 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

and the substance of the wine were changed into the substance 
of the body and blood of Christ, only the appearances or 
"accidents" (such as color, taste, etc.) of bread and wine 
remaining. (4) Penance included confession to the priest at 
least once a year, the performance of various acts to test 
the reality of repentance, and absolution by the priest from 
the guilt of sin. (5) Extreme Unction was the anointing 
with oil of those about to die ; it strengthened the soul for its 
dark journey and cleansed from the remainder of venial sins. 
(6) Ordination was the rite whereby one was made a member 
of the various grades of the clergy. (7) Matrimony was the 
sacrament by which a Christian man and woman were joined 
in lawful wedlock. 

The theory underlying the whole system was that the sac- 
raments derived their force from the power which Christ gave 
the Apostles and which they transmitted to their successors. 
Any priest might administer most sacraments, but only 
bishops could ordain. 

To carry on the work of the church, officers of various ranks 

were necessary. At the bottom of the structure were the 

67. Eccle- parish Priests. The first Christian churches were natu- 

hierarchv ^'^^^J i^ populous cities ; but subordinate churches were 

Priests soon erected, and offshoots arose in country districts. 

Eventually the whole of Western Christendom was divided 

into " parishes," each with its parish church and parish priest. 

The priest was appointed by the bishop, but laymen who gave 

lands to found the churches usually reserved to themselves 

and their successors the right of "patronage," that is, of 

nominating to it some ordained clerk. 

The parishes, in turn, were grouped into " dioceses," each 
diocese under the Bishop of that "see" (bishopric). The word 

"bishop" (episcopus) means "overseer" and aptly charac- 

58. Bishops i p 

terized his functions. He watched over the work of 

the diocese, visiting and disciplining the clergy, consecrating 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 81 

churches, and administering the sacraments of confirmation 
and ordination. The "tithe," or church due of one tenth of 
all the produce of the soil, was paid to his agents, and by him 
apportioned among the parishes. He presided in person (or 
through his "archdeacon") over the ecclesiastical court of 
the diocese ; to this all the clergy, and also laymen in many 
kinds of cases, were amenable. In his " synods," or diocesan 
councils, ecclesiastical legislation was passed. He enforced 
his judgments and decrees by " excommunication," that is, by 
cutting off the culprit from Christian fellowship : the greater 
excommunication, or "anathema" (accomplished "by bell, 
book, and candle "), not only cut off the person from the rites 
of the church and thus endangered his soul, but also cut him 
off from his fellows so that none might buy, sell, eat, or 
transact business with him. The power of the bishops over 
both the clergy and the laity was very great; certain in- 
fluences, however, tended to lessen their authority. Among 
these w^ere conflicts with the "chapter" of the "cathedral" (as 
the clergy w^ere called who had charge of the worship in the 
bishop's church) ; for the fact that the members of the chapter 
(called " canons ") came to enjoy the right — at least in theory 
— of electing the bishop, greatly strengthened their position. 
The "archdeacon" also sought to make his authority inde- 
pendent of the bishop. 

The dioceses were grouped together into " provinces," over 
each of w^hich was an Archbishop. In addition to his powers 
and duties as bishop of one of the dioceses, the arch- 59 ^j^j-ch- 
bishop supervised the work of the church througliout bishops 
his province. His special mark of distinction was the "pal- 
lium," a narrow band of white wool worn loosely around the 
neck; this could be conferred only by the Pope. The arch- 
bishop's cathedral was usually in the most important city of 
the province, so he was spoken of as the " metropolitan." In 
each country there was a tendency for some one archbishop 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 83 

to gain preeminence over the others, and be recognized as 
"primate"; thus the Archbishop of Canterbury was primate 
of all England, while the Archbishops of Rheims and Mainz 
claimed preeminence respectively in France and Germany. A 
few archbishops (especially those of Constantinople, Alexan- 
dria, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Rome) were styled "patriarchs," 
and held positions of exceptional power and dignity. 

Great estates — usually the gift of pious individuals or of 
repentant sinners — came to be attached to the episcopal and 
archiepiscopal " sees." Such estates were often held by feudal 
tenure ; and thus the clergy tended to become feudalized 
equally with the laity, and the spiritually minded were scan- 
dalized by seeing bishops, clad in coats of mail, lead their vas- 
sals to battle. High political offices (especially in Germany 
and England) were conferred upon the clergy ; and this fact 
further complicated the relations of church and state. On 
the one side the higher clergy found their independence threat- 
ened by the temporal powers ; on the other their influence was 
subordinated to that of Rome. 

At the head of the whole system stood the Papacy. Many 
causes contributed to make the Bishop of Rome the " universal 
overseer," or head of the whole Western Church. The g^ p 
political importance of Rome, the wealth of the church and 

there, the singular ability and moderation which its bish- 
ops showed in doctrinal disputes, the martyrdom and burial 
at Rome of Saint Peter and Saint Paul — all were factors 
in the Roman headship. Most important of all, that headship 
rested upon the belief that Peter had been made by Christ the 
chief of the Apostles and given "the power of the keys," i.e. the 
power to bind and to loose (Matthew, xvi. 18-19). Peter was re- 
garded as the founder of the bishopric of Rome, and the power 
given him by Christ he was held to have transmitted to his 
successors. 

To assist the Pope in his work, a clerical council was grad- 



84 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



ually formed, called the College of Cardinals. This was at first 
composed of the higher clergy of Rome ; later other Italians, 
and gradually some foreign clergymen, were admitted. The 
importance of the cardinals as an organized body dates from 
1059, when the chief 



part in papal elections 
was confided to them. 
Besides provincial 
and diocesan synods, 
61. General General or 
councils u Ecumenical " 
Councils of the whole 
church were called 
from time to time. 
The first general 
council was that held 
at Nicsea in the year 
325 to condemn the 
Arian heresy. The 
first eight councils 
were recognized by 
the Greek and Latin 




SCALE OF MILES 



I 1 1 1 1 I 

Rome in the Middle Ages. 



churches alike; but beginning with the ninth, in 1123, they 
were really concerned only with the affairs of those who 
recognized the supremacy of the See of Eome. The council 
held at the Lateran Church in Eome in 1215 is reckoned the 
twelfth, and was one of the most imposing assemblages of 
the true Middle Ages: 412 bishops and 71 archbishops were 
present, with more than 2000 clerics in all. In the fifteenth 
century, troubles in the church revived the use of councils ; it 
then became a burning question whether the Pope was above 
such assemblies, or they above the papacy ; that is, whether 
the Pope, or the council of higher clergy representing the 
church as a whole, finally revealed the will of God. 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 85 

By the eleventh century the papacy presented three distinct 
aspects, for the Pope was (1) the bishop in charge of the 
diocese comprising Eome ; (2) the head of the whole 62. Three- 
Latin Church ; and (3) a temporal prince ruling " the ^°^^ P°^®^ 
States of the Church" in Italy. The formation of his papacy 

temporal power took place chiefly after the downfall, in the 
eighth century, of the Byzantine and Lombard rule in central 
Italy, and was based in part upon grants of secular rulers 
(§§ 14, 16). 

To understand this subject, we must here touch briefly on 
the relations of the papal power to the empire, which were 
a subject of perpetual controversy in the Middle Ages. In the 
time of Charlemagne, as in the time of Constantino the Great 
and his successors, the head of the state acted also, in a sense, 
as head of the church. From the time of Louis the Pious this 
relation was gradually reversed: the imperial authorization 
was no longer awaited for papal elections, as was earlier the 
case: on the other hand, the right of the Pope to confer the 
imperial crown steadily gained recognition. Louis the Pious, 
not satisfied with coronation by his father, received recorona- 
tion at the hands of the Pope, and permitted his son Lothair 
to be crowned in the same way. Gradually the custom of 
coronation by the Pope hardened into a right, and Popes 
claimed to confer or withhold the imperial crown at pleasure. 

In the eighth and ninth centuries appeared the forged Dona- 
tion of Constantine and the False Decretals. The former 
represents Constantine the Great as *"' cleansed from qq Dona- 
all the squalor of leprosy" by the prayers of Pope tionof 
^ ^ -^ -^ ^ -^ ^ Constantine 
Sylvester I. ; in gratitude therefor, on the fourth day and False 

after his baptism, he is said to have resolved to forsake Decretals 
the ancient city for a new capital on the Bosphorus, and to 
have conferred upon the Pope "the city of Rome, and Hendersouy 
all the provinces, districts, and cities of Italy or of the 322-328 

Western regions." The False Decretals were a collection, 



SQ EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

claimed to have been found in Spain, of thitherto unknown 
letters and decrees of early Popes and councils, from the time 
of Saint Peter to the close of the fourth century ; these showed 
the Popes acting from the first as supreme rulers in the 
church, judging causes in the last resort and issuing instruc- 
tions to the clergy of all grades. 

The general tendency of the Donation of Constantine and 
the False Decretals was : (1) to elevate the spiritual power, 
especially the papacy, above the secular ; (2) to make the 
papacy the supreme authority in the church ; and (3) to supply 
an additional basis for the Pope's temporal rule. Both 
Donation and Decretals are now recognized, by Catholics and 
Protestants alike, to have been forgeries of the clumsiest 
sort; but the ignorance and lack of critical inquiry of the 
Middle Ages caused them to be accepted without question for 
six hundred years. Protestants and Catholics differ as to the 
part which these forged documents played in the development 
Alzoff, of the papal power ; but a Catholic historian admits that 

Church (c ^j^g compilers of the Decretals, by stating as facts what 

History, II. ^ . ? j & 

274 were only the opinions or the tendencies of the age, by 

giving as ancient and authentic documents such as were sup- 
posititious and modern, and by putting forward as established 
rights and legal precedents claims entirely destitute of such 
warrant, did, in matter of fact, hasten the development and 
insure the triumph of the very ideas and principles they 
advocate." 

Parish priests, bishops, archbishops, and Pope usually be- 
longed to the " secular " clergy, that is, clergy who lived in 
the "world" {seculum)\ there was also an enormous body 
dictine of so-called " regulars " who might, under proper circum- 

°^°^ ^ stances, fill any of these offices. The " regular " clergy 

were those who lived under a " rule " (regula), such as those of 
the different monastic orders. In the West the rule of Saint 
Benedict (died 543) was the most important monastic ordi- 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 



87 




Benedictine 
Monk. 

From a 13th cen- 
tury MS. 



nance. It breathed an essentially mild and 
practical spirit, as opposed to the wild extrava- 
gances of Eastern zealots, like Simeon Stylites, 
who dwelt for thirty years on the narrow top 
of a lofty column. Benedict's rule enjoined 
upon the brethren the three vows of Poverty, 
Chastity, and Obedience to their abbot, or 
head. They were to labor with their hands, 
especially at agriculture ; were to join in pub- 
lic worship once during the night (about two 
o'clock), and at seven stated " hours " during 
the day; and were encouraged to copy and 
read books. They ate together in a "refec- 
tory," at which time one of their number was 
appointed to read aloud ; and they slept to- 
gether in a common dormitory. Each monas- 
tery was a settlement 
complete in itself, sur- 
rounded by a wall ; and 
the monks were not al- 
lowed to wander forth 
at will. New monaster- 
ies were often located 
on waste ground, in 
swamps, and in dense 
forests ; and by reclaim - 
ing such lands and 
teaching better meth- 
ods of agriculture the 
monks rendered a 
great service to society. 
Schools also were main- 
tained in connection 
with the monasteries. 




H.- 



Monastery of St. Gall. 
From a plan made in 159G. 



88 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

The house of St. Gall in Switzerland is a type of the great 
monasteries of the Middle Ages. In the tenth century its 
estates amounted to one hundred and sixty thousand " plow- 
lands"; and a populous community dwelt about its walls, made 
up of the laborers, shepherds, and workmen of various trades 
employed by the monastery, together with the serfs settled on 
the monastery estates, who were bound to work three days a 
week for the monastery. The convent itself numbered more 
than five hundred monks. 

The Beuedictine monasteries were entirely independent of 

one another. Theoretically, the bishop had the right of visita- 

65. Monas- tion and correction over the monasteries in his diocese; 

*rderof^^ but frequently the monks secured papal grants of "im- 

Cluny(910-) munity" which freed them from episcopal control. The 

monasteries often became very wealthy through gifts of lands 

and goods. Then luxury and corruption crept in, and great 

nobles sought to secure control of monastic estates, often by 

the appointment of "lay" abbots who drew the monastery 

revenues without taking monastic vows. Such periods of 

decay were followed by times of revival, and these in turn by 

new decline — and so on to the end of the Middle Ages. 

The monastery of Cluny, in eastern France (founded 910), 
was the center of the reform movement in the tenth and elev- 
enth centuries ; and the reformed monasteries, unlike the Bene- 
dictine, were brought into permanent dependence on the abbot 
of the head monastery, their " priors " being appointed by him. 
The name " congregatioi^ " was given to such a union of mon- 
asteries under a single head; and the congregation of Cluny 
grew until in the twelfth century it numbered more than two 
thousand monasteries. The strict self-denial of these monks, 
the splendor of the worship in their churches, their zeal for 
learning and education, and a succession of distinguished 
abbots, account for the great spread, throughout Europe, of 
the Cluniac movement. 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 89 

Other monastic orders, zealous for reform, arose in the 
eleventh century. The Carthusians, founded (in 1084) at 
Grande Chartreuse in the kingdom of Burgundy, intro- 66. Other 
duced something of hermit life into the monastery, each monastic 
monk being provided with a separate cell in which he (1084-) 

lived a life of meditation, study, and silence. The Cistercian 
order was founded at Citeaux, in eastern France (in 1098) ; its 
rule rejected all luxury and splendor, even in the appointments 
for worship, and required of its members a rigidly simple life, 
with an abundance of agricultural labor, in which sheep raising 
had the predominant part. Its most famous member was Saint 
Bernard (1091-1153), abbot of Clairvaux ; and within a hundred 
years after his death the order numbered eight hundred houses, 
scattered all over Europe. In the thirteenth century arose 
orders of a new sort, the mendicant or begging "friars," of 
which the chief were the Franciscans and the Dominicans (see 
§ 181). It was not until the sixteenth century that the Jesuits 
arose. 

These various orders were distinguished by differences in 
the color and cut of their garments, as well as in their mode 
of life ; thus the Benedictines and Cluniacs wore black gowns, 
the Cistercians and Carthusians white. 

In addition to the organizations for men there were also 
many for women. The " nunneries," or houses of these organi- 
zations, were numerous, widespread, and crowded ; they offered 
a safe refuge to defenseless women in an age of violence ; and 
nuns who possessed talent, high birth, or sanctity might rise 
as abbesses to positions of honor and influence. 

With the growth of the church in riches, external influence, 
and power, came increasing splendor of buildings and ceremo- 
nial. The East developed its type of church architec- g.^ church 
ture, called the Byzantine, in which the round or buildings 
polygonal form of building of Roman days was enlarged and 
enriched with side galleries, alcoves, and porches ; its most 



90 



EMI IRE AND PAPACY 



famous example is the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople 
— now a Mohammedan mosque (p. 261 ; see another on p. 39). 
In the West, the Eoman municipal basilica — an oblong build- 
ing with the interior divided longitudinally by parallel rows of 
pillars into two "aisles" and a central "nave" — was at first 
taken as the model. This developed into the Komanesque 
type of architecture, characterized by the round arch and a 
general massiveness 
of effect. Stone super- 
seded brick as the 
building material, 
and, to decrease the 
danger of fire, stone 
vaulting replaced the 
timbered roof. The 
best examples of this 
type were produced 
in the eleventh and 
early twelfth centu- 
ries in France. 

The final form as- 
sumed by mediaeval 

68. Gothic architecture was 

architec- the so - called 

ture (1150-) ^ ,, . • , 

Gothic or point- 
ed style, which origi- 
nated in northern 
France about the mid- 
dle of the twelfth 
century. In this the walls are less massive, the windows 
large and numerous, and the vaulted roof raised to prodi- 
gious heights on slender, clustered columns. The secret of 
this construction consists in the strong external columns and 
arched or " flying " buttresses which take the concentrated 




Amikns Cathedral. 

Built ill 13tli century ; one of the greatest 
examples of Gotliic architecture. 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 91 

lateral thrusts of the vast pointed arches and relieve the 
interior columns of all stress except the vertical pressure 
from the roof. The ground plan of the Gothic cathedral was 
the Latin cross; the two arms constituted the '^transepts/' 
the "choir" corresponded to the short upright, and the 
" nave " and " aisles " to the lower main part of the cross. 

The window openings were filled with pictures in stained 
glass, whose rich and varied colors added indescribably to the 
splendor of the interior. Everywhere, within and without, the 
sculptor's art scattered figures of men, animals, and plants 
— all emblematical of the aspirations, the hopes, and the 
fears of mediaeval religion. Artists and sculptors vied with 
one another in representing the history of humanity and of 
Christianity ; along with scenes from the Bible, figures of 
the caints, and allegorical representations of the virtues and 
vices, were seen fantastic grinning beasts and demons, the 
retinue of the devil. Taken as a whole, such scenes "made 
up a kind of layman's Bible that appealed to the eye and 
was understood by all." 

With the growth of ecclesiastical organization, the worship 

of the church assumed definite form. Latin was the language 

of the West at the time that Christianity was introduced, 69. Church 

and it became the language of the Roman Church ; but in services 

^ » ' and wor- 

many regions portions of the service, as well as sermons, ship 

were given in the language of the people. The order of service 
included the reading of selected Scripture lessons, the sing- 
ing of Latin hymns, and the repetition of the creed. Music 
was improved by the introduction of harmony, and by a 
system of notation from which grew our modern musical 
notes and staffs; but church singing was by the choir only. 
The chief place in the service was given to the celebration 
of the mass, or Lord's Supper ; this was viewed as a perpetual 
sacrifice of Christ, the benefits of which were available not only 
for those on earth, but for departed souls undergoing purificar 



92 EMPIRE AND PAPACT 

tion for sins in Purgatory. From the honors shown to 
martyrs arose the veneration of the saints, especially of the 
Virgin Mary, whose intercession was asked both for the 
living and for the dead. Bones of martyrs, pieces of the cross 
on which Christ was crucified, and similar relics were cher- 
ished and venerated, and made to work miracles of healing. 
Christmas, Easter, and a host of other church festivals were 
celebrated with processions and a pomp and splendor of cere- 
monial which appealed powerfully to the imagination. Rude 
dramatizations of the Incarnation and Redemption were pre- 
sented; from these, and from "miracle plays" and "morali- 
ties" the modern drama was developed. Preaching played 
a less prominent part in mediaeval religion than it does to-day^ 
though from time to time great preachers arose — like Pope 
Urban II., Bernard of Clairvaux, and others — to preach a 
Crusade or a moral reformation. The parish priests, because 
of the great cost of hand-written books and the lack of schools, 
were usually poorly educated, and refrained from preaching. 

To educate the clergy there was need of better organized 
instruction, and to supply this need universities arose. At 

, Salerno, in Italy, there was early a school devoted to 
70. Rise of ' '" '' 

imiversities the study of medicine ; at Bologna arose famous teachers 

(1200-) q£ ^j^^^ ^^^ canon law; at Paris were schools famed for 

the teaching of philosophy and theology ; at other points also, 
about cathedrals and monasteries, schools were in existence. 
The thirteenth century saw a growth in definiteness of or- 
ganization in church, in state, and in city communities; and, 
touched by the same movement, these early schools were 
transformed into the universities of the Middle Ages, under 
papal or royal charter. Abelard (1079-1142), one of the most 
famous scholars of the early Middle Ages, shed a luster over 
the schools of Paris by his intellectual acuteness, rhetorical 
skill, and romantic history, which even his condemnation for 
heresy did not dim ; and the preeminence of the University 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 



93 



uTenswald > 
the-OderX'i. \ POLAND 




Chief Universities of the Middle Ages. 

of Paris lasted unimpaired to the end of the Middle Ages. 
Instruction everywhere was by lectures^ owing to the scarcity 
of books. The course of study included the Trivium (Latin 
grammar, rhetoric, and logic), and the Quadrivium (arithmetic, 
geometry, astronomy, and music), after which came the higher 
studies of theology, law, philosophy, and medicine. 

The students were a disorderly, turbulent class, many of 
them mere boys of ten or twelve years, who lodged where 
they could, lived largely on alms, and being "clerks" were 
punishable only by their university. Latin was the univer- 
sal language of learning; this made it easy to wander from 
country to country and to study in different universities. The 
student songs, in rhymed Latin, frequently breathed a most 
unclerical spirit. 

After the days of Abelard, learning was brought entirely 



94 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

into the service of the church, and " scholastic philosophy '^ 
prevailed. This may be defined as an attempt to extract 
knowledge from consciousness, by formal reasoning, instead 
of by investigation, observation, and experiment. The great 
authority in philosophy was Aristotle (384-322 b.c), whose 
works were known, not in the original Greek, but in Latin 
translations of imperfect Arabic versions obtained from 
Spain. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) was the greatest of the 
mediaeval schoolmen, and his application of the Aristotelian 
logic to the problems of theology profoundly influenced all later 
teaching. In the mediaeval universities men weve trained for 
the service of the church, and their minds were sharpened to a 
hair-splitting keenness on theological subjects;^ but the physi- 
cal and historical sciences were little advanced. 

The reform movement which spread from Cluny as a center 
did not stop with the purification of the monasteries ; it ex- 
71. Neeiof tended as well to the secular clergy, whose condition in 
the secalar ^^^ tenth and eleventh centuries was deplorable. The 
clergy three great evils complained of were simony, lay inves- 

titure, and clerical marriage. (1) Simony was the purchase 
in any way of ecclesiastical office, the word being derived from 
Simon Magus, who sought to buy the gift of the Holy Ghost 
(see Acts, viii. 17-19). (2) Closely connected with this evil was 
the right exercised by Emperors and princes of " investing " 
newly elected bishops with the ring and staff, which were the 
symbols of their office, and requiring from them homage and 
fealty for the lands which they held. Accompanying the con- 
trol thus secured were encroachments upon the freedom of 

1 The following questions were debated with great logical subtlety : 
" Whether au angel can be in more than one place at one and the same time ; 
whether more angels than one can be in one and the same place at the same 
time ; whether angels have local motion ; and whether, if they have, they 
pass through intermediate space." (Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologise, I., 
quest. 52, 53.) For examples of scholastic method, see University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Translations and Reprints, vol. III., No. 6. 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 95 

election, so that the higher clergy almost everywhere became 
the appointees of the temporal power. Says a Catholic writer, 
in speaking of this period : " Kings could dispose, absolutely 
and without control, of all ecclesiastical dignities. . . . Montalem- 
All was venal, from the episcopate, and sometimes even ^^y Monks 
the papacy, down to the smallest rural benefice." (3) The //. 309 

whole clergy, with the exception only of the monks and of 
some bishops and priests who were quoted as marvels, openly 
and freely entered into the marriage relation. To free the 
church from these evils, and reinvigorate it, became the special 
mission of the Cluniac order. 



While decentralizing forces prevailed in the state, the church 
grew steadily in unity and in strength. The papal headship 
was advanced as the imperial power declined. Recurrent 72. Sum- 
waves of monastic reform resulted in the formation of mary 
new orders of monks, and these produced new efforts to revive 
and spiritualize the church. Education began to spread among 
the clergy, though confined within the narrow limits of schol- 
asticism, and famous universities arose. Gothic architecture 
was developed, and impressive church services were devised. 

The chief problem of the church was how to secure the clergy 
from local and monarchical oppression. Before the eleventh 
century, men's minds were too much engrossed with the practi- 
cal problems presented by the invasions of the Northmen and 
Hungarians, and the decay of civil government, to permit of 
much speculation on the relations of the spiritual and temporal 
powers. The church also had too much need of the strong arm 
of temporal rulers (such as Otto I.) to rescue and protect it 
from danger, to permit it to quarrel with its champions. By 
the eleventh century these dangers were past, and men's minds 
began to turn to questions of principles and theory. It was 
inevitable that the two great powers, the temporal and the 
spiritual, should come into conflict in their representatives, the 

HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 6 



96 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



Empire and the Papacy. It is this conflict which constitutes 
the chief feature of the history of the next two centuries. 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



TOPICS 

(1) Why were there just seven clerical ranks, seven sacraments, 
etc. ? (2) Would the Pope have acquired temporal power if Rome 
had continued to be the residence of an Emperor ? (3) Was mo- 
nasticism a good or a bad thing for religion ? For society ? For the 
state ? Give your reasons. (4) Why are there not so many 
monks to-day as there were in the Middle Ages ? (5) Why does 
the church play a less prominent part in modern life than it did 
in mediseval times? 

(6) Contributions of Pope Leo I. (440-461) to the growth of the 
papacy. (7) Contributions of Gregory I. (590-604). (8) Con- 
tributions of Nicholas I. (858-867). (9) Life of Saint Benedict. 
(10) The Benedictine rule. (11) The monastery of Cluny. 
(12) Monastic orders for women. (13) Romanesque architecture. 
(14) Gothic art. (15) Music in the Middle Ages. (16) The 
origin of the drama. (17) Church festivals and pageants. 
(18) Parish priests of the Middle Ages. (19) Church councils to 
the close of 1215. (20) Rise of the universities. (21) The uni- 
versity of Paris. (22) Abelard. (23) Student life in the Middle 
Ages. 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

Maps, pp. 62, 82 ; Freeman, Historical Geography, I. eh. vii. ; 
Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xix. xx. Ivii. Ixi. Ixix. 

Emerton, Mediceval Europe, 465-476, 541-592; Adams, Civili- 
zation during the Middle Ages, ch. vi. ; Emerton, Introduction to 
the Middle Ages, chs. xiii. xvi. ; Church, Beginning of the Middle 
Ages, 133-139 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, 
chs. xii. xvi. xxii. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 96-100, 198-220, 
428-449; Munro and Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 129-158; 
Stills, Studies in Medieval History, ch. xiii.; Lea, Studies in 
Church History, 46-59, 112-123, 288-298 ; Jessopp, Coming of the 
Friars, chs. iii.-vi. ; McCabe, Abelard, chs. iii. iv. vi. vii. xiv. xv. ; 
Compayr^, Abelard, pts. i. ii. iv. ; Cutts, Turning Points of 
General Church History, ch. xxx. ; Trench, Medieval Chtirch 
History, Lecture viii.; Fisher, History of the Christian Church, 
Period V. ch. ii., Period VI. ch. i. ; Milman, History of Latin 
Christianity, II. bk. iii. ch. vi.; Alzog, Manual of Church History, 



THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 97 

I. §§82-87, 125-131, 133-142, II. §§ 161-165, 167-169, 192-199; 
Dollinger, Fables respecting the Popes in the Middle Ages, 104-182 ; 
Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary ; Schaff-Herzog, Beligious 
Encyclopedia, 4 vols. ; Cutts, Scenes and Characters of the Middle 
Ages, chs. ii. v.-vii. ; Montalembert, Monks of the West, Introduc- 
tion, chs. ii. iv.; Cardinal Gibbons, The Faith of our Fathers; 
Desmond, Mooted Questions of History, chs. iii. iv. ; Smith, Archi- 
tecture, Gothic and Benaissance, chs. i. ii. ix. 

Robinson, Readings, I. chs. ii. iv. xvi. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source! 
Source Book, nos. 33-42, 251-260 ; Jones, Civilization in the 
Middle Ages, No. 6 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
bk. iii. nos. i.-iv. ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
Reprints, vol. II. Nos. 3, 4, 7, vol. III. No. 5, pp. 24-30, No. 4, 
pp. 1-10, vol. IV. Nos. 2, 4, pp. 23-32. 

Scott, Abbot, — Monastery ; Potter, Uncanonized ; W. W. New^- Illustrative 
ton. Priest and Man, or Abelard and Helo'isa ; Reade, Cloister ^^^^^ 
and the Hearth. 

Lacroix, Beligious and Military Institutions of the Middle Pictures 
Ages ; Cutts, Pai-ish Priests and their People in the Middle Ages ; 
Parmentier, Album Historique, I. ; Perry pictures (Cathedrals), 



CHAPTER yi. 

THE FRANCONIAN EMPERORS, HILDEBRAND, AND THE 
INVESTITURE CONFLICT (1024-1125) 

To rescue the church, from the evil condition into which it 

had fallen, something more was needed than the zeal of Cluny; 

73. Reform namely, the support of temporal and ecclesiastical rulers, 

Saxon Em- ^ beginning was made in this direction under the Saxon 

perors Emperors, when Otto I., Otto II., and Otto III. protected 

the papacy against local Roman factions. Under Henry II. 

the Cluniac monks secured a hold on Germany, and the first 

energetic action against the married clergy was taken by a 

Pope in the synod of Pavia (1022). It remained, however, for 

the Franconian or Salian Emperors,^ who succeeded the Saxons 

in 1024, to witness the triumph of the principles of celibacy 

and no simony, and to see the storm clouds raised by the 

outcry against lay investiture gather about their own heads. 

»THE SAXON AND FRANCONIAN (OR SALIAN) KINGS OF GERMANY 
(1) Henry I., the SAXON (919-936) 

! 

(2) Otto I., the Great (936-973) Henry, Duke of Bavaria 

Refounded Holy Roman Empire, 962 

Liutgarde (3) Otto II. (973-988) Henry 

I I I 

Otto (4) Otto III. (983-1002) (5) Henry II., the Saint 

1 (1002-1024) 

(6) Conrad II., the SALIAN (1024-1039) 
(7) Henry III. (1039-1056) 
(S) Henry IV. (1056-1106) 




I I 

(9) Henry V. (1106-1125) Agnes = Frederick of Hohenstaufen 

^/v>^^^^^ (see table, p. 146) 



THE FRANCONIAN EMPERORS 99 

Under Conrad II. (1024-1039), the first of the Franconian 
or Salian house, little progress was made with church reform, 
but a basis 'was laid for a closer connection with Cluny by 74. Conrad 
the incorporation into the empire (in 1032) of the king- ^^- ^^^ 

dom of Burgundy, where the reform movement was strong. (1024-1056) 

Under Conrad's son, Henry III. (1039-1056), the mediseval 
empire reached its highest point, and the work of reform was 
zealously taken up. When he first interfered in Eoman 
affairs, in 1046, he found three rivals claiming to be Pope, 
and each in possession of a portion of the city. At a synod 
called near Home, all three claim- 
ants were deposed for simony ; and 
a German bishop of unblemished 

life and piety was chosen — the ,,, 

first of a series of German Popes. ^ ^* 

Of those who had filled the papal V ' ^ 

chair in the three preceding centu- // 

ries, only four had not been born 
in Rome or the papal states ; with 
these German Popes the papacy Seal of Henry III. 

took on a more international char- " Heinricus Dei Gratia Roman- 

IT- oruin Imperator Augustus." 

acter. The Popes now led m at- 
tacking clerical marriage and simony, Leo IX. (1048-1054) 
was the most vigorous of the series, traveling about from coun- 
try to country, holding synods in Italy, Germany, and France 
— everywhere condemning the married and simoniacal clergy. 
The greatest service which Leo rendered the reform move- 
ment was by bringing the monk Hildebrand to Pome as the 
adviser and chief officer of the papacy. Of lowly German 75^ -^{se of 
origin, but born in Tuscany, Hildebrand received his Hildebrand 
education and training in a Eoman monastery of which his 
uncle was abbot. Gregory VI., one of the three papal contest- 
ants in 1046, made him his chaplain, and after Gregory's fall 
Hildebrand followed him into Germany. Por a time Hilde- 



100 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



brand was an inmate of the monastery at Cluny, -where he was 
filled with reformatory zeal ; and there Leo IX. found him and 
took him to E-ome. 

Until his own election to the papacy in 1073, as Gregory 
VII.jHildebrand was the real power behind the papal throne, 
under five different Popes, covering a period of nearly a 
quarter of a century. 
Physically he was far 
from imposing: he 
was of small stature 
and ungainly figure, 
with a feeble voice; 
but he possessed a 
mind of restless ac- 
tivity, uncommon 
penetration, and an 
inflexible will. The 
principles upon which 
Hildebrand wished to 

Henderson, ^""^^^ *^^ P^P^^ 

Documents, policy are indi- 
cated in a mem- 
orandum found among 
his papers, containing 
the following proposi- 
tions : (1) The Roman 
pontiff (Pope) alone 

may rightly be called " universal." (2) He only can depose and 
reinstate bishops. (3) He only can establish new laws for 
the church, and unite or divide dioceses. (4) No council or 
synod, without his approval, can be called general. (5) No 
earthly person may call the Pope to trial or pronounce judg- 
ment on him. (6) No one who appeals to the papacy may 
have sentence passed against him by any other tribunal. 



366-367 




Hildebrand (Gregory VII.)- 
From an old print. 



HILDEBRAND 101 

(7) The Koman Churcli has never erred, and never shall err. 

(8) The Roman Pontiff has the right to depose Emperors. (9) He 
may absolve the subjects of unjust princes from their allegiance. 

In these propositions the supremacy of the Pope over the 
church and over temporal princes is the underlying thought, 
and Hildebrand's whole conduct was but the development and 
application of these maxims. In carrying out his policy he 
avoided all appearance of revolution, and gave his acts the air 
of a return to ancient traditions, the evidence for which was 
found in the False Decretals. Hefele, a famous Catholic his- 
torian, sums up Hildebrand's policy in these words : " Seeing 
the world sunk in wickedness and threatened with impending 
ruin, and believing that the Pope alone could save it, Gregory 
conceived the vast design of forming a universal theoc- Alzog, 

racy, which should embrace every kingdom of Christen- mstory, II. 
dom, and of whose policy the Decalogue [Ten Command- ^^^ 

mentsj should be the fundamental principle. Over this 
commonwealth of nations the Pope was to preside. The 
spiritual power was to stand related to the temporal as the sun 
to the moon, imparting light and strength, without, however, 
destroying it or depriving princes of their sovereignty." 

While Henry III. lived, Hildebrand did not dare shake off 
the Emperor's control ; but when Henry died, he left an infant 
of six years, Henry IV. (1056-1106), to rule under the 76. Papacy 
regency of his mother. " The princes," says a chronicler, ^ pendenc^e 
" chafed at being governed by a woman or a child ; they (1056-1073) 
demanded their ancient freedom; then they disputed among 
themselves the chief place ; at last they plotted the deposition 
of their lord and king." With little now to fear from beyond 
the Alps, Hildebrand set about organizing new safeguards for 
papal independence. Everywhere he could count upon the 
reform party as favorable to his plans. The Countess Matilda 
of Tuscany gave him protection and resources, and finally do- 
nated to the papacy her vast estates, stretching a-lmost tp Ijh? 



102 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



Gulf of Genoa. New treaties, also, were concluded with the Nor- 
mans, by which Robert Guiscard, in return for a confirmation 

of his conquests, became the Pope's 
vassal, thus beginning a papal 
suzerainty over southern Italy 
which was to last for centuries. 

Finally, in 1059, the attempt was 
made to emancipate the papacy 
from imperial control, by a decree 
concerning papal elections. In the 
early church the Pope had been 
chosen, like any bishop, by " the 
clergy and people " of his diocese ; 
but under Charlemagne, the three 
Ottos, and their successors, the 




2'.-. 50 

|^:v);VXv| Matilda's Territory "^ 
WMM Papal Territory 



Territories of the Count- 
ess Matilda. 



Emperor practically appointed to 
that office. The decree of 1059 
changed the papal constitution, in 
effect, by providing that the real 
selection should be in the hands of the College of Cardinals 
— that is, the Pope's own clerical council. Direful penalties 
were invoked against all who disobeyed the decree, and 
the text was characteristic of the times. " Eternal anath- 
ema and excommunication," it read, "be upon the foolhardy 
Matthews, person who takes no account of our decree, and attempts 

Mediseval -^ j^-g presumption to disturb and trouble the Eoman 

Documents, ^ ^ 

34 Church ! May he endure in this life and in the next the 

wrath of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and that of the 

Apostles Peter and Paul, whose church he presumes to molest ! 

Let his house be desolate, and no one dwell in his teuts ! Let 

his children be orphans, and his wife a widow ! Let him and 

his sons be outcasts and beg their bread, driven away from 

their habitations ! May the usurer consume his goods, and the 

stranger reap the fruit of his labors ! May all the world war 



HILDEBRAND 103 

against him and all the elements be hostile, and the merits of 
all the saints, who sleep in the Lord, confound and inflict visi- 
ble vengeance in this life upon him ! " 

The time at last came when Hildebrand himself had to don 
the papal crown. The election was irregular and not according 
to the decree of 1059. The people, assembled in the church 77 mide- 

for the funeral services of the late Pope, raised the cry, brand as 

P0P6 GrBff- 
" Let Hildebrand be our bishop ! " One of the cardinals ory vil, 

turned to the crowd and recalled how much, since the (1073-1085) 

days of Leo IX., Hildebrand had done for the church and for 

Rome. On all sides the cry was then raised, "Saint Peter 

crowns Hildebrand as Pope ! " In spite of his resistance, 

Hildebrand was forthwith arrayed in the scarlet robe, 

crowned with the papal tiara, and seated in the chair of 

Saint Peter. As Pope he took the name Gregory VII., in 

memory of his early patron. 





GosLAB, Birthplace of Henry IV. 
Present condition. 



The claims of Gregory to treat the temporal power as sub- 
ordinate to the papacy made a struggle with the empire 78. Ger- 
inevitable. The imperial power, at this time, was far "^genry IV. 
from strong. The minority of Henry IV. was distracted (1056-1106) 
by quarrels for control, in which his mother Agnes and 



104 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

the archbishops of Bremen and Cologne played the chief parts. 
Although intelligent and high-spirited, Henry IV. was allowed 
to grow up with alternations of stern repression and careless 
indulgence ; he thus arrived at manhood without training to 
rule, with an undisciplined temper, and with a heedlessness of 
moral restraint which led him into many excesses. Finally his 
rule was weakened by the disaffection of the Saxons, who had 
been the chief support of the throne under the Ottos. In f 073 
the discontent ripened into revolt ; and although Henry, after 
one humiliating defeat, put down the rebellion, there continued 
to exist in Germany a disaffected party with which Gregory 
formed alliance. 

In 1075 Gregory brought the question of investiture into 
a position of chief importance, declaring investiture by laymen, 
79. Investi- even by kings and Emperors, to be void, and causing 
ture conflict pg^g^^g giving it to be excommunicated. To a report 
(1075-1076) that Henry was summoned to appear at Eome to justify 
his actions, the Emperor replied : " Henry, king not by usurpa- 
Matthews, ti^n, but by the will of God, to Hildebrand, no longer 

Mediaeval Pope, but false monk. . . . Thou hast attacked me, who 
Documents, ^ . . , , ,. - .i , t-- 

42 {con- am consecrated king and who, according to the tradition 

densed) ^f ^jjg fathers, can be judged by God alone and can be 

deposed for no crime save the abandonment of the faith. . . . 

Condemned by the judgment of our bishops, and by our own, 

descend ! Quit the place which thou hast usurped ! Let 

another take the seat of Saint Peter, who seeks not to cover 

violence with the cloak of religion, and who teaches the sound 

doctrine of Saint Peter ! " To this Gregory replied in February, 

Matthews 1076, by sentence of excommunication. " Blessed Peter, 

Mediaeval prince of the Apostles," he wrote, "be thou my witness 

44 {con- ' that the Holy Roman Church called me against my will 

densed) ^q govern it ! . . . As thy representative I have received 

from God the power to bind and loose in heaven and upon 

earth. Full of this conviction^ for the honor and defense of 



THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 



106 



W 



shy church, ... I deny to King Henry, who with nnheard-of 
pride has risen against thy church, the government of Germany 
and of Italy. I absolve all Christians from the oaths of fidelity 
they have taken or may take to him ; and I forbid that any 
person shall serve him as king." 

The most powerful of the German princes were already op- 
posed to Henry, and declared that unless the excommunication 

were removed 80. Pope's 
by a certain day, ^t Can^ssa 
he should be (1077) 

treated as deposed and 
a new king elected. 
His only hope was to 
break the alliance be- 
tween the Pope and 
his enemies at home ; 
and to accomplish 
this he set off secretly 
across the Alps, in the 
dead of winter, accom- 
panied only by his 
wife, his young son, 
and one attendant. 
At Canossa he found 
the Pope, already on 
his way to Germany 
to arrange the govern- 
ment in consultation 
with the princes. The 
Pope at first refused 
to see him, and for three days Henry was obliged to stand 
as a suppliant — fasting and barefooted — without the castle 
gates. At last Gregory yielded to the entreaties of the Countess 
Matilda and admitted him to reconciliation. The excommunica- 




jK.e:<'Ro<j;^r AtfB?vrt'0>/ 



0??vThil DimSiipnlic/ rAltv 



Pope Gregory VII., Henry IV., and Count 
ESS Matilda at Canossa. 

From a 12th century MS. ia the Vatican 
Library. 



106 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

tion was raised, but only on condition that Henry should make 
his peace with his German subjects before a day fixed by the 
Pope, and on terms which he should lay down (January, 
1077). 

The humiliation of the Emperor at Canossa was the most 
brilliant victory that the papacy ever won over the temporal 

81. Re- power ; but it was merely an incident in a long struggle. 

newed con- Henry's German enemies were displeased that the Pope 
flict over , ^ ^ , . . ^ • ^ i • 

investiture had removed the excommunication, and persisted m 

(1077-1081) electing a new king. Civil war followed, and as Henry 
continued to grant lay investiture, the Pope renewed his excom- 
munication. A strong party now rallied to Henry's support, 
and he caused an assembly of German and Italian bishops to 
declare Gregory deposed and set up an anti-pope. In 1081 
Henry mastered his German enemies sufficiently to come to 
Italy with an army. After three years' campaigning all Eome, 
save the strong fortress of St. Angelo, was in his hands : his 
anti-pope was enthroned, and Henry himself was crowned with 
the imperial crown. 

The dauntless Gregory meanwhile had sent for aid to the 
Norman Eobert Guiscard. Henry hastily quitted Rome, 

82. Death which was taken and sacked by the Normans ; but when 
of Grefforv 

VII. (1085) these retired, the Pope was forced to accompany them 

and of into southern Italy. There in May, 1085, Gregory YII. 

(1106) died ; in his last hours he said, " I have loved justice, and 

hated iniquity; and therefore I die in exile." He had done 
much to clear the church of the scandals which clung to it, 
and he had raised the papal power to a higher pitch than ever 
before; but he had embroiled the papacy not only with the 
empire, but with most of the kings of Europe. Had his ideas 
triumphed, Europe would have been left practically under the 
sovereignty of the papacy, distant and disassociated from royal 
families or national feeling — a single monarchical rule sup- 
ported by all the terrors of religious authority. 



THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 107 

After two years, a worthy successor to Gregory came to the 
papal throne, in the person of Urban II., a zealous reformer of 
French birth. The struggle between papacy and empire con- 
tinued as fiercely as ever in his pontificate, in spite of the call 
for the First Crusade which Urban issued in 1095 (see § 93). 
The Emperor's oldest sou, Conrad, was stirred up to rebel 
against his father ; and after Conrad's death another son, 
Henry, was induced to revolt, and was recognized as king by 
the Pope. This time the old Emperor's enemies were com- 
pletely successful : he was imprisoned, was forced to abdicate, 
escaped, and sought to renew the struggle ; but died in August, 
1106, in the midst of his efforts. 

Henry IV. made many mistakes and committed many faults, 
but these were in large part the results of his unfortunate 
training. His cause was not wholly just, but he was fighting 
against ecclesiastical absolutism and feudal anarchy. The 
lower classes of the people, particularly the townsmen of the 
Rhine valley, mourned him, for he was to them a generous and 
devoted master. Perhaps the hatred which the nobility bore 
him was due to this fact, for they fought as much for their 
own interests as for the cause of religion and papal power. 

The Emperor's undutiful son, Henry V., when once on the 

throne, proved as stanch an upholder of the imperial claims 

as his father. The trouble about investiture grew out of 33 settle- 

the fact that the bishops and archbishops, especially in ^^nt of the 
_, investiture 

Germany, were not merely officers of the church, but by question 

virtue of the lands attached to their offices they were (1106-1122) 

great feudal princes as well, exercising high influence in the 

state. It was just as impossible for the Emperor to give up 

all means of keeping out undesirable men from those positions, 

as it was for the Pope to permit him, by "investing" bishops, 

to give the sanction for their religious functions. There was 

room for a real . compromise, and negotiations at last were 

begun with that purpose. 



108 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

At first the Pope (Paschal II.) consented that the great 
clergy of Germany should surrender their fiefs and political 
influence, and become merely church officers; but to this the 
clergy would by no means agree. Finally, in 1122, an agree- 
ment was embodied in what is called, from the city where it 
was concluded, the Concordat of Worms. The Emperor gave 
up "all investiture by the ring and the staff," and promised 
that there should be "freedom of election and of consecra- 
tion " ; in return, the Pope (now Honorius II.) granted that 
the election of bishops and abbots should take place in the 
presence of the Emperor or of his representative (so that 
objection might be made to persons unsatisfactory to him) ; 
and that the person so elected should receive from the 
Emperor "the property and the immunities of his office," 
and duly fulfill the obligations, such as homage, arising 
therefrom^ 

In this settlement the papacy gained the abolition of lay 
investiture, and so secured greater freedom for the church; 
but some solid advantages remained to the empire, and the 
compromise was one which Gregory VII. would have been 
loath to approve. It gave, indeed, only a breathing spell in 
the struggle between the world-church and the world-state, 
and new occasions for controversy were not slow to arise; 
for the two ideas were mutually exclusive. In the world- 
empire of Charlemagne or Otto I. there was no room for an 
independent church; in the world-papacy of Hildebrand 
there was no room for an independent empire or kingdom. 
The conflict had to continue until one or the other, or both, 
were destroyed. 

The beginning of Hildebrand's influence in the papacy coin- 
cides with the ending of the last connection between the 
churches of the East and of the West. The separation of 
the Roman Empire, in the fourth century, into an eastern 
and a western half, paved the way for a similar " schism " in 



THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 109 

the church. As the two halves of the empire drifted apart, 
the churches also drifted away from each other. Latin re- 
mained the language of the West, while Greek became g^ Final 
the official tongue of the East. In the eighth century separation 
broke out a strife about the use of images (the Icon- ^^^ Latin 

oclastic Controversy), which the Latin Church favored, churches 

(1054) 
and the Greek Church, for a time, opposed (§ 13). At 

the close of the same century, the West formally accepted an 

addition made — without due authority, it seemed to the East 

— in the Nicene creed (adopted 325 a.d.) so that it read, "I 
believe ... in the Holy Ghost . . . which proceedeth from 
the Father and the Son {fiUoque) ..." The insertion of the 
word JiUoque in this passage on the " procession of the Holy 
Ghost " (as it was called) was one of the hardest things for 
the West to justify to their Eastern brethren. Other differ- 
ences concerned the cut of tlie tonsure and the bread used in 
celebrating the Eucharist — the East maintaining the use of 
leavened bread, and the West of unleavened. 

Above all, there was the supremacy claimed by the papacy 
over the whole church, which the East would not admit. 
In the ninth century, the attempt of Pope Nicholas I. to 
interfere as of right in the Eastern Church and settle a 
dispute over the office of Patriarch of Constantinople, brought 
the two churches into open conflict. Finally, in the year 1054, 

— at the very time when the papacy was gathering its strength 
for its great conflict with the empire, and the shadow of the 
Turkish peril was coming upon the East, — the heads of the 
two churches mutually excommunicated each other, and Chris- 
tians of the East and of the West were thenceforth mortal 
enemies. Many efforts were made to heal the schism, but in 
vain: the differences as to ceremonies and the creed might 
have been patched up; but there remained the fatal obstacle 
of the dispute over the papal headship. 



110 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 

The middle of the eleventh century saw the papacy feeble 
and the empire all-powerful ; the middle of the twelfth found 
85. Sum- the papacy in the most brilliant period of its history, 
mary while the empire was sunk in decline. This was the 

result of the policy so unflinchingly pursued by Gregory VII. 
(1073-1085). Witn Leo I. (440-461), Cxregory I. (590-604), 
and Nicholas I. (858-867), he is to be reckoned one of the 
founders of the paj)al power. In place of control of the 
church by the temporal authorities, which had existed in 
the days of Constantine, of Charlemagne, and of Otto the 
Great, Gregory put forward the claim of the spiritual power 
to control the temporal. A partial success was won at Ca- 
nossa, and a compromise was arranged in the Concordat of 
Worms; but the struggle was not ended. Among the results 
of Gregory's policy should be noted the seeds of that fear 
and hatred felt by the German people for the Eoman court 
down to the Reformation ; and the alienation of the Emperor 
from the church, and of the Eastern and Western churches 
from each other, at the most important moment of all — the 
beginning of the period of the Crusades. 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) Was Hildebrand more of a theologian or an ecclesiastical 

topics statesman ? (2) To what extent c^id desire for power influence 

him ? (3) Was his policy a good one for the world ? (4) Make 
a list of the forces supporting Gregory VII. and those supporting 
Henry IV. (o) Why did the Saxons revolt against Henry IV. ? 
(6) Was the interview at Canossa a victory for the Pope or for the 
Emperor ? (7) Why was the settlement agreed to by Paschal II. 
rejected ? (8) Why are conflicts between church and state less 
frequent to-day than in the Middle Ages ? 

Search (9) The empire under Henry III. (10) The College of Cardinals. 

topics ^^^^ Character and aims of Hildebrand. (12) Character and 

aims of Henry IV. (13) The Saxon revolt. (14) Henry IV. at 
Canossa. (15) Countess Matilda and the addition of her territory 
to the Papal States. (16) Excommunication as a papal weapon. 
(17) Present extent and organization of the Greek Church. 



THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 111 

(18) The Nicene creed in the West. (19) Celebrated concordats. 
(20) Routes across the Alps used by Emperors. 

REFERENCES 

Map, p. 64 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxiv. Ixv. , Dow, Geography 
Atlas, xiii. 

Bemont and Monod, Iledieval Europe, 119-124, 286-300 ; Adams, Secondary 
Civilization during the Middle Ages, 238-247 ; Henderson, Short authorities 
History of Germany, I. 54-75 ; Bryce, Holy Boman Empire, ch. x. ; 
Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, chs. vi.-viii. ; Tout, Empire Und Papacy, 
ch. vi. ; Henderson, Germany in the Middle Ages, chs. xii.-xiv. ; 
Still§, Studies in 3Iedieval History, 277-296 ; Lea, Studies in Church 
History, 355-371 ; Cutts, Turning Points of General Church His- 
tory, ch. XXXV. ; Stephens, Hildehrand and his Times ; Trench, 
Medieval Church History, lecture ix. ; Fisher, Medieval Empire, 
I. 106-134 ; Milman, History of Latin Christianity, bk. vii. chs. 
i.-iii., bk. viii. chs. i.-iii. ; Montalembert, Monks of the West, bk. 
xix. ; Alzog, Church History, II. 481-536 ; Gregorovius, Pome in 
the Middle Ages, IV. pt. 1. 47-^300 ; Historians'^ History of the 
World, VII. 630-659. 

Robinson, Peadings, I. ch. xiii. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source Sources 
BooTc, nos. 57-86 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
350-409. 

G. H. Miles, Tlie Truce of God ; W. B. Macabe, Bertha ; J. E. C. illustrative 
Bischoff, Bertha. ^®'^ 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE CHRISTIAN AND MOHAMMEDAN EAST, AND 
THE FIRST CRUSADE (1096-1099) 

At the beginning of the eighth century, the Byzantine or 

Greek Empire seemed brought to the verge of ruin through 

«« „ attacks by Slavs, Bulgarians, and Arabs. When, however, 

86. Byzan- j ? & ? ? ? 

tine Empire Italy, Egypt, and Africa were lost, the remainder proved 
(717-1096) gg^gigj. ^Q defend and to govern, so that under the Isaurian 
Emperors (717-802) an improvement began, and under the Mace- 
donian line (867-1057) came a period of conquest and military 
glory, lasting from the middle of the tenth to the first quarter 
of the eleventh century. Crete, Cyprus, northern Syria and 
Antioch, and even Bulgaria, were for a time recovered. Fol- 
lowing the death of the last of the Macedonian rulers came 
a period of anarchy lasting for a quarter of a century. Then 
the Emperor Alexius .Comnenus (1081-1118) brought in a new 
period under a new dynasty, when the empire — more Greek 
and less cosmopolitan, its territory decreased and its civili- 
zation stereotyped — stood upon the defensive. Buf for two 
hundred years it nevertheless offered a brave and constant 
resistance to Mohammedan attacks. 

Among the causes of weakness in the Byzantine Empire 
were the endless disputes on theological questions carried on 
by idle monks, and the riots of the fanatical populace to which 
these frequently led. Another cause of weakness was the lack 
of a regular succession to the imperial power : out of one hun- 
dred and seven persons who ruled as Emperors or associates, 
from the time of the separation of the Eastern Empire to its 

114 



THE CHRISTIAN EAST 115 

fall (395-1453), only thirty-four died a natural death in office ; 
the remainder were assassinated, were mutilated, died in prison 
or convent, or abdicated the throne. 

The prosperity of the empire was nevertheless real and sub- 
stantial. The coinage was sound, taxation just, manufactures 
flourishing, and trade widespread. The old legislative 87. Its 

power of the Senate was suppressed, and the last barriers prosperity 
to the autocracy of the Emperor removed; but the administra- 
tion was well devised, and not oppressive. By its orphan 
asylums, hospitals, and like institutions, the Byzantine Em- 
pire anticipated much that we regard as modern. Learning of 
an encyclopedic sort flourished ; and there, up to the eleventh 
century, the only truly original Christian art was to be found. 
Diplomacy, with its deceits and intrigues, was developed to a 
high degree before it was taken up by the Venetians and intro- 
duced into the Western world. The language of the laws and 
the law courts was now Greek, and Latin ceased to be of prac- 
tical use. 

War was studied as an art, while in the West it remained a 
mere matter of hard fighting. Native recruits largely replaced 
the Slavic, Teutonic, and Asiatic mercenaries of Justinian's 
day; but the famous "Varangian " bodyguard of the Emperors, 
composed of Danes and English, was cherished because of its 
loyalty and bravery. From the eighth to the twelfth century 
only the Byzantines possessed the secret of the " Greek 
fire " (composed of saltpeter, sulphur, charcoal, and bitumen) 
whose fierce flames, black smoke, and loud explosions de- 
stroyed hostile fleets and carried terror to the hearts of their 
enemies. 

To impress the common people an elaborate ceremonial was 
devised, regulating every act of the Emperor ; and to impress 
foreign envoys golden lions roared and lashed their tails at the 
foot of the throne, while golden birds sang in a golden tree 
near by. But despite such follies, it is not too much to say 

IIARDING^S M. & M. HIST. 7 



116 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



Munro and 

Sellery, 

Medieval 

Civilization, 

223 



that "in the history of mediseval civilization before the elev- 
enth century, Byzantium [Constantinople] played a role 
analogous to that of Athens and Rome in antiquity, or 
Paris in modern times ; its influence extended over the 
whole world ; she was preeminently ' the city.' " 
Meantime, a new power made its appearance in the world, 
that of the Mohammedan Arabs, whose achievements almost 
justify the remark that " from the eighth to the twelfth 
hammedan' century the ancient world knew but two civilizations, 

world (732- that of Byzantium, and that of the Arabs." Mohammedan 
1096) "^ _ 

civilization displayed mucn tne greater expansive force, 

spreading over large parts of Asia, northern Africa, and south- 
western Europe ; '' from the river Indus to the Pillars of 

Hercules the same religion 
was professed, the same 
tongue spoken, the same 
laws obeyed." Its four 
chief centers were Damas- 
cus, in Syria ; Bagdad, on 
the river Tigris (founded 
about 760) ; Cairo, on the 
lower Nile (founded about 
970) ; and Cordova, in 
Spain. Greek, Persian, 
Syrian, Egyptian, Span- 
ish, and Hindu elements 
entered into this civiliza- 
tion along with the Ara- 
bic : but the Arabic was 
the chief element, for the 
Arabian genius combined 
all into one living crea- 
tion bearing the stamp of its own nature. 

In agriculture, manufactures, commerce, science, and art 




Damascus: Fountain of Ablution in 
THE Grand Mosque. 

Present condition. 



THE MOHAMMEDAN EAST 



117 



the Mohammedan world compared favorably with Christian 
Europe. Agriculture was not despised, as it was among the 
feudal nobles of Europe ; and rich Mohammedans reveled 
in gardens of roses, jasmines, and camellias. Irrigation was 
extensively practiced, and grafting became a science. Among 
new plants introduced into Europe by the Arabs were rice, 
sugar cane, hemp, artichokes, asparagus, the mulberry, orange, 
lemon, and apricot. 

In manufactures Mohammedans excelled : the sword blades 
of Toledo and Damascus make were world-renowned; and 
equal skill was shown in the manufacture 
of coats of mail at once supple and strong : 
of vases, lamps, and like articles in copper, 
bronze, and silver; of carpets and rugs 
which are still unexcelled ; and of vessels 
of fine glass and pottery. Sugars, syrups, 
sweetmeats, essences, and perfumes were 
of Mohammedan production ; paper came 
to Europe through the Mohammedans ; and 
Cordova was long famous for its manufac- 
tures of skins and fine leather. 

Commerce was widely followed, and no 
one looked down upon this occupation, to 
which Mohammed had been bred. In each 
city was a " bazaar," or merchants' quarter. 
The Arab sailor ruled the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, 
and the Caspian Sea. Caravans threaded their way, from 
oasis to oasis, to the heart of Africa, and across the wilds of 
Asia to China and to India. The compass, first discovered by 
the Chinese, was known to the Arabs long before its intro- 
duction into Europe., 

In literature (especially poetry) and in science the Arabs 
attained a high degree of development. The University of 
Cairo at one time had 12,000 students ; in Spain, in the tenth 




Old Arabian 
Money. 



118 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

century, a library of 400,000 manuscript volumes (each prob- 
ably a mere part of a complete work) is said to have been 

gsithered. The Arabian philosophers were well versed 
89 ■ Ar£iDi£iii 
literature in the writings of Aristotle and the Neoplatonists of 

and science j^^exandria, whose works they read in Arabic translations. 
In mathematics, Mohammedan scholars led the world: trigo- 
nometry was much improved, and algebra was practically their 
creation, though its elements were de^'ived from the Greeks 
and Hindus. The introduction of the "Arabic" System of 
notation, in place of the clumsy Roman numerals, is ascribed 
to them ; and the use of the cipher, placed to the right of 
the digit to give " value of position," seems clearly to have 
been their invention. In optics and astronomy the Arabs made 
considerable advance. In chemistry many of our common 
terms, such as "elixir," "alcohol," "alkali," are of Arabic 
derivation and record our indebtedness to Arabic researches. 
In medicine the Arabs were skilled practitioners, far in ad- 
vance of Christian Europe ;* and they seem even to have known 
something of anaesthetics. Pharmacy was practically created 
by them, and many of their preparations are still in use. 

In the eleventh century the religious and political unity of 

the Mohammedan world was broken, and the real power had 

90. The passed from the hands of the Arabs into those of their 

Turks ^^^ mercenary soldiers, the Seljukian Turks, so-called from 

(1058-1076) the chief, Seljuk, who first united them into one people. 

They were of Asiatic stock, like the Huns, Magyars, and 

Bulgarians, but unlike the Magyars and Bulgarians, they 

embraced Mohammedanism instead of Christianity. The 

whole of Asia at this time seemed about to pass into Turkish 

hands : in northern China was established the Manchurian 

kingdom, from which come the present rulers of China (1004) ; 

in Afghanistan and India, in the same year, a great Turkish 

state was erected; in the middle of the century (1058) the 

leader of the Seljukian Turks occupied Bagdad, and became 



THE MOHAMMEDAN EAST 119 

the champion of the orthodox caliph, with the title * Sultan 
of the East and West " ; in 1076 the Turks captured the holy 
city of Jerusalem. After 1058 the caliph was merely the reli- 
gious head of the Mohammedan state, and Turkish princes — 
of whom, at the end of the century, there were a number, rival 
and independent — were the veritable sovereigns. The military 
prowess of the Turks spread Mohammedanism over new areas ; 
but they cared little for Arabian civilization, and brought a 
new element into the strife of East and West. 

That strife was suddenly intensified by the breaking out of 
the great movement known as the Crusades, for which there 
were several causes. (1) Throughout the Middle Ages 
the terror of the hereafter weighed with more awful of the Cru- 
force upon mankind than it does to-day : in exceptional sades 

occurrences a supernatural agency was generally seen, and the 
writings of the times are full of encounters with devils and 
demons. With this temper of mind, went a 
belief in the power of penitential acts to avert m y^ 
divine wrath, and in the miracle-working vir- '''^^ 

tue of relics of the saints, especially objects 

connected with the life and death of Christ; c'v 

I 
hence, after the fourth century, pilgrimages 

to the holy places of Palestine were common. ^ I m I 
In the year 1064 seven thousand pilgrims, i 
under the leadership of the Archbishop of ! ', 

Mainz, went in a single company. This out- 
burst of zeal for pilgrimages, it is to be noted, 
came just at a time when the tolerant rule 
of the Arabs in the East was replaced by the pilgrim 

bigotry and fierce contempt of the Turks ; it From a l3th cen- 
was a chief cause of the Crusades. *"^"y ^^• 

. (2) The time, too, had now come when the peoples of western 
Europe might look about for wider fields of adventure. The 
Hungarian and Viking raids were over. Europe was settling 




120 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

down to comparative peace and quiet under its feudal govern- 
ments; the modern nations, with their problems, had not yet 
arisen; commerce and city life were still in their infancy. 
Thus there was no sufficient outlet at home for the spirit of 
adventure, which in the Middle Ages always ran high. 

(3) The East was regarded as a land of fabulous riches, 
where not only fame but fortune might be won. The hope of 
\ gain — of winning lands and principalities — was a powerful 

factor in the minds of many, and must be reckoned among the 
causes of the Crusades. In this respect the movement may be 
looked upon as merely a part of the movement of expansion 
which caused the Norman conquests of southern Italy and 
England, and the German advance eastward beyond the Elbe. 
The chief object of the Crusades was the rescue of Jerusalem 
from the hands of the infidels ; but the first call grew out of 
92. Ad- the danger which threatened the Eastern Empire. In 
Turks °^*^^ 1071, at Manzikert in Armenia, the Turks defeated the 
(1071-1092) forces of the Eastern Roman Empire, and the emperor 
(E-omanus IV.) was taken prisoner. Almost the whole of 
Asia Minor passed into Turkish hands; and one of their 
chieftains, establishing himself at Nicsea, almost within sight 
of Constantinople, took the title " Sultan of Eoum " — that is, 
of Rome. Several years passed before an Emperor, Alexius 
Comnenus, found himself free to give Asia his attention; then 
he sent an embassy to the Pope, as the head of Latin Christen- 
dom, in an effort to enlist western knights for the Turkish 
war : the result was the call to the First Crusade. 

At Clermont, in France, Pope Urban II. held a council 
in November, 1095, to consider investiture and to punish the 

«« « ., French kins^, Philip I., for divorcing his wife. When 
«^. Council &? r J o 

of Clermont this business was finished the Pope, with burning elo- 
(1095) quence, addressed an open-air assembly of thousands of 

French prelates and nobles in their own tongue ; and is re- 
ported to have spoken thus: "Christ himself will be your 



THE FIRST CRUSADE 



121 



leader when you fight for Jerusalem. Let not love of any 
earthly possession detain you. You dwell in a land narrow 
and unfertile. Your numbers overflow, and hence you Archer and 
devour one another in wars. Let these home discords ^^^f^jfg 
cease. Start upon the way to the Holy Sepulcher ; wrest 30-31 

the land from the accursed race, and subdue it to yourselves. 
Thus shall you spoil your foes of their wealth, and return 
home victorious, or purpled with your own 
blood receive an everlasting reward." Hear- 
ing these words from the head of the church, 
the people cried : " God wills it ! God 
wills it!" "When you go forth to meet 
the enemy," said Urban, "this shall in- /^ 
deed be your watchword, ' God wills 
it!'" 

Many pledged themselves forth- | V/ 
with to undertake the work, 
and to these a cross of red , /" ^ 
cloth — the sign of pil- /^Z 
grims to the Holy Land • 
— was given, to be worn 
on the breast going and on 
the back returning. The 
crusader (from cnix, a 
cross) was thus given the 
protection attaching to 
pilgrims; during his ab- 
sence no one might trouble 
him for debt, and who- 
ever took his goods was 
excommunicated. On their 
part the crusaders were 

considered to have taken a vow to fight the infidels, and not 
to return until they had beheld the Holy Sepulcher. 




Crusader. 
From a 13th century MS. 



122 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

August 15, 1096, was fixed as the date foi departure, but 
impatient zeal was aroused during the winter by popular 

94. The preachers, of whom the most noted was Peter the Her- 

crusade of j-j^j^. ^^ whom for centuries was wrongly ascribed the 

the people ' ^ *^ . 

(1096) original idea of the crusade. In the spring, bands of 

peasants and townsmen, for many of whom any change was a 
gain, began to assemble; they were without arms or provisions, 
and were incumbered with women and children. At Cologne 
and elsewhere the Jews were massacred in a frenzy of reli- 
gious zeal. Under the leadership of a knight called Walter the 
Penniless, of Peter the Hermit, and others, several successive 
companies took the road down the valley of the Danube, which 
since the conversion of the Hungarians was the ordinary pil- 
grim route. Without adequate leadership or preparations, the 
misguided multitudes perished miserably on the way, or left 
their bones to whiten the plains of Asia Minor. Walter and 
most of his followers were slaughtered by the Sultan of Roum, 
but Peter escaped to await the coming of the main crusade. 

In the summer and fall of 1096 the lords and knights set 
out, armed with coats of mail, swords, and lances ; they were 

95. The provided with sums of money, often obtained by the sale 
ktdffhts ° ^^ their belongings at ruinous prices ; and they were 
(1096-1097) accompanied by attendants on foot and by carts laden 

with provisions. The Pope had been asked to lead the cru- 
sade in person ; he declined the perilous office, but commis- 
sioned a bishop as his legate. There was no general leader- 
ship ; each crusader went at his own cost, and obeyed only his 
own will. The crusaders naturally grouped themselves about 
the better known nobles, such as Raymond, count of Toulouse; 
Bohemond, son of Robert Guiscard ; Godfrey of Bouillon ; and 
Robert of Normandy, brother of the English king William 11. 
The crusaders assembled at different places, and departed as 
they were ready, in four different companies. The Germans 
and those from the north of France followed the valley of 



THE FIRST CRUSADE 



123 



the Danube ; others traversed Italy, crossed the Adriatic; and 

proceeded thence by land to Constantinople. " How 96. Crusa- 

ffreat a city it is : how noble and comely ! " wrote one ^®^^ ^* ^°^' 
° -^ ' *^ stantinople 

of their number, of that caj^ital. " What wondrously 

wrought monasteries and palaces are therein ! What Kingsford, 
marvels everywhere in street and square ! Tedious Crusades, 50 
would it be to recite its wealth in all precious things, in gold 
and silver, in divers shaped cloaks, and saintly relics. For 

thither do ships bring ^ 

at all times all things 
that man requires." 

The Emperor Alex- 
ius had expected a 
few thousand men in 
response to his call, 
where scores of thou- 
sands came. Mutual 
hatreds quickly 
sprang up, and the 
Emperor was glad, in 
the spring of 1097, to 
speed the "Franks," 
as the crusaders were 
called, out of the city 
and across into Asia 

Minor. After several weeks' siege, Nicaea surrendered; but 
it passed, not to the crusaders, but to the Greeks. Suffer- 
ing from thirst and attacked by .the Turks, the crusaders 
made their way through Asia Minor, with the loss of most 
of their horses. To add to the difficulties of their situation, 
quarrels arose between rival leaders. In front of Antioch, 
which they reached in October, 1097, they were checked for 
more than a year, by its strong walls and their lack of skill in 
the construction and operation of siege engines. 




Capture of Nic^a (1097). 

From a church window in the ahbey of St. Denis, 
as pictured in a 12th century MS. 



124 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

The events of this period, and the sentiments of the crusad- 
ers, are indicated in the following letter, which Stephen of 
97. Letter Blois, a powerful French noble, brother-in-law of the Eng- 
er (1098) ' lish king, wrote from before Antioch in March, 1098: — 

" Count Stephen to Adele, his sweetest and most amiable wife, 
to his dear children, and to all his vassals of all ranks, — his 
greeting and blessing : — 

"You may be very sure, dearest, that the messenger whom 

I sent left me before Antioch safe and unharmed, and through 

God's grace in the greatest prosperity. Already at that 

of Pennsyl- time we had been continuously advancing for twenty- 

vama, three weeks toward the home of our Lord Jesus. You 

Translations, 

I. No. 4 {con- may know for certain, my beloved, that of gold, silver, 

densed) ^^^ many other kinds of riches I now have twice as 

much as your love had assigned to me when I left you. 

" You have certainly heard that, after the capture of the city 
of Nic£ea, we fought a great battle with the perfidious Turks, 
and by God's aid conquered them. Next we conquered for 
the Lord all Romania [i.e. the sultanate of Roum], and after- 
wards Cappadocia. Thence, continually following the wicked 
Turks, we drove them through Armenia, as far as the great 
river Euphrates. Having left all their baggage and beasts of 
burden on the bank, they fled across the river into Arabia. 

" The bolder of the Turkish soldiers, indeed, entering Syria, 
hastened by forced marches, night and day, in order to be able 
to enter the royal city of Antioch before our approach. The 
whole army of God, learning this, gave due praise and thanks 
to the omnipotent Lord. Hastening with great joy to Antioch, 
we besieged it, and very often had many conflicts with the 
Turks ; and seven times with the citizens of Antioch, and with 
the innumerable troops coming to its aid, we fought with the 
fiercest courage, under the leadership of Christ. And in all 
these seven battles, by the aid of the Lord God^ we conquered 



THE FIRST CRUSADE 126 

and most assuredly killed an innumerable host of them. In 
those battles, indeed, and in very many attacks made upon the 
city, many of our brethren and followers were killed, and their 
souls were borne to the joys of Paradise. 

"In fighting against these enemies of God, and our own, 
we have by God's grace endured many sufferings and innumer- 
able evils up to the present time. Many have already ex- 
hausted all their resources in this very holy passion. Very 
many of our Franks, indeed, would have met a temporal death 
from starvation, if the clemency of God, and our money, had 
not succored them. Before the above mentioned city of 
Antioch, indeed, throughout the whole winter, we suffered for 
our Lord Christ from excessive cold and from enormous tor- 
rents of rain. What some say about the impossibility of bear- 
ing the heat of the sun throughout Syria is untrue, for the 
winter there is very similar to our winter in the West. 

"When the emir of Antioch — that is, prince and lord — per- 
ceived that he was hard pressed by us, he sent his son to the 
prince who holds Jerusalem, and to the prince of Damascus, 
and to three other princes. These five emirs, with twelve 
thousand picked Turkish horsemen, suddenly came to aid the 
inhabitants of Antioch. We, indeed, ignorant of all this, had 
sent many of our soldiers away to the cities and fortresses. 
For there are one hundred and sixty-five cities and fortresses 
throughout Syria which are in our power. But a little before 
they reached the city, we attacked them at three leagues' dis- 
tance with seven hundred soldiers. God fought for us, His 
faithful, against them. For on that day we conquered them 
and killed an innumerable multitude ; and we also carried back 
to the army more than two hundred of their heads, in order 
that the people might rejoice on that account. 

" These which I write you are only a few things, dearest, of 
the many which we have done. And because I am not able to 
tell you, dearest, what is in my mind, I charge you to do right, 



126 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



to carefully watch over your land, to do your duty as you 
ought to your children and your vassals. You will certainly 
see me just as soon as I can possibly return to you. Farewell." 



Antioch fell in June, 1098, betrayed to the crusaders by one 

of its inhabitants. Three days later an immense array sent 
98. Capture by theSeljukian 
of Jerusa- sultan arrived 
for its relief, and 

the crusaders them- 
selves were forced to 

st^nd siege. Through 

the aid of a vision 

thrice repeated, the 

Holy Lance, which 

pierced the side of 

Christ, was discovered 

buried in the soil: 

many disbelieved, but 

others were fired to 

prodigies of valor by 

the sacred relic. The 

Turks were beaten 

off, and the crusaders 

proceeded southward 

along the coast. 

Owing to quarrels and delays on the road, it was June, 1099, 

before they came in sight of Jerusalem. A few months before, 

the caliph of Egypt had wrested the city from the Turks ; and 

he now offered free access to the Holy Sepulcher for unarmed 

pilgrims in small numbers. These terms were refused. After 

several weeks, the city was taken by assault (July 15, 1099). 

Then followed scenes which showed how little the teachings 

of Christ had sunk into the crusaders' hearts. "When our 




Church of thj. IIolv Sepulcher. 
Present condition. 



THE FIRST CRUSADE 127 

men had taken the city, with its walls and towers," says an 

eyewitness, "there were things wondrous to be seen. For 

some of the enemy (and this is a small matter) were . , 

•^ ^ ^ Archer and 

reft of their heads, while others, riddled through with Kingsford, 
arrows, were forced to leap down from the towers; ''«'««' es,9i 
others, after long torture, were burned in the flames. In all 
the streets and squares there were to be seen piles of heads, 
and hands, and feet ; and along the public ways foot and horse 
alike made passage over the bodies of the dead." 

The vow of the crusaders was fulfilled: but at what a cost 
of lives, both Christian and Mohammedan ; of agonies of battle 
and sufferings on the way ; of women made widows, and 
children left fatherless ! 



At the beginning of the eleventh century, the Eastern Empire 
was prosperous and highly civilized. The Mohammedan world, 
under Arabian rule, was cultured and tolerant. The rise 99 sum- 
of the Seljukian Turks (1058) changed political and reli- mary 

gious conditions, for Mohammedanism became intolerant and 
aggressive. The Eastern Empire soon lost most of its Asiatic 
possessions. To resist the Turks, Alexius Comnenus sought to 
enlist mercenary soldiers in the West, which was now in a con- 
dition to undertake distant enterprises. Religious zeal, the 
spirit of adventure, and greed for booty enabled Pope Urban 
II. to convert the aid sent to Alexius into the Eirst Cru- 
sade. The impractical character of the times showed itself 
in the popular movement under Peter the Hermit and Wal- 
ter the Penniless (1096). The crusade of the knights was 
better managed, and resulted in the capture of Jerusalem 
(1099). But cruelty, jealousy, and self-seeking were as marked 
traits of the leaders as was devotion to religious ideals. In 
spite of flashes of lofty idealism, the crusader in Palestine 
was little different from the rude, superstitious, selfish baron 
at home. 



128 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



TOPICS 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



(1) Which was the more exposed to barbarian attack, the East 
or the West? (2) What advantages were possessed in the Mid- 
dle Ages by a settled hereditary succession over a line of elec- 
tive rulers ? Why are there not the same advantages to-day ? 
(3) Compare the coming of the Turks into the East with that 
of the Germans into the West. (4) Were the causes of the 
Crusades more in external events or in the prevalence of a par- 
ticular state of mind ? (5) What motive besides the religious one 
led Stephen of Blois to the Crusade ? (6) Why do men not go on 
crusades to-day ? (7) Why did the crusaders slay the Mohamme- 
dans at Jerusalem ? 

(8) Life in Constantinople on the eve of the Crusades. (0) The 
debt of civilization to the Saracens. (10) The Mohammedan 
heretical sect of the Shiites. (11) The First Crusade as seen by a 
participant. (12) Peter the Hermit in myth and in history. 

(13) Relations of the crusaders with the Eastern Emperor. 

(14) Bagdad in the Arabian Nights. (15) Works of art in Con- 
stantinople. (16) Arabian merchants in the Far East. 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



REFERENCES 

Map, pp. 112, 113 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, mapslxxi. Ixxii. Ixxvi. 
Ixxviii ; Dow, Atlas, ix. 

Adams, Civilization durijig the Middle Ages, 258-268 ; Emerton, 
Mediaeval Europe, 358-366 ; B^mont and Monod, Medieval Europe, 
159-166, 339-355 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, 
ch. XV. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 151-184 ; Cornish, Chivalry, 
109-124 ; Stills, Studies in Medieval History, 353-358 ; Munro and 
Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 212-239 ; Archer and Kingsford, 
Crusades, 13-92 ; Mombert, Short History of the Crusades, chs. 
i.-iii. ; Cutts, Scenes of the Middle Ages, ch. i. ; Cox, Crusades, 
chs. i.-iv. ; Munro, Essays on the Crusades ; Gibbon, Decline and 
Fall of the Roman Empire (Bury's ed.), ch. Iviii. ; Milnian, His- 
tory of Latin Christianity, bk. vii. ch. vi. ; Finlay, History of Greece, 
II. 198-226, III. 87-113 ; Historians' History of the World, VIII. 
320-357. 

Robinson, Readings, I. 312-329 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
Book, DOS. 274-283 ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
Reprints, vol. I. Nos. 2, 4. 

Scott, Count Robert of Paris-, W. S. Davis, God Wills It. 



CHAPTER VIIL 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 



After the successful termination of the First Crusade, the 
next task was to organize and safeguard the Christian con- 
quests. Jerusalem was made an independent kingdom, 100. Organ- 

and the rest was organ- ^^ 
ized into three auxiliary in Asia 

states — the principality of 
Antioch, and the counties 
of Edessa and Tripoli. God- 
frey of Bouillon was chosen 
to rule at Jerusalem ; and he 




,f<'^^p Laodicea 



CYPRUS- 

*^ fig 

"OUNT/Y 

^ TRIPdLl/-^E M I R A T E 

^ bidoab^J o F 

N _ WM.i^ •Damuscus 

-(V Ac-" ^^/^ DAMASCUS 



salem 




A-- . 



Km. of Jerusale 



SCALE OF MILES 
25 50 75 lUO 



Chus \ders' States in Syria after 
THE First Crusade, 



took the title "Defender of 
the Holy Sepulcher" instead 
of king, being unwilling, it is 
said, " to wear a crown of gold 
where Christ had worn a crown 
of thorns." Most of the cru- 
saders departed as soon as 
their vows were fulfilled; but 
others came to take their 
places, and gradually the power 
of the " Franks " was fixed in 
the regions about the four 
capital cities. The peasants 
— who were already, for the 
most part, Christians of vari- 



129 



130 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



101. The 

military 
orders 



ous Eastern faiths — kept their lands, paying tribute to their 
Latin masters, as they had formerly done to the Moham- 
medans. Above them were placed crusading lords, who held 
their lands as fiefs, and whose castles helped to keep the land 
in obedience. Feudalism was transplanted full-grown into 
Palestine, and in the course of the twelfth century the feudal 
usages were drawn up into a code called the " Assizes of 
Jerusalem." The lords were almost all French, and French 
became the language of the Latin East ; but Italian merchants 
came in large numbers (from Venice, Genoa, and Pisa espe- 
cially) to profit by the new facilities for trade. 

Besides the constant reenforcements from the West, the 
Franks depended on three orders of knighthood which sprang 

up especially to defend 

the Holy Land : (1) the 

Knights Hospitaler of 
St. John, formed originally 
to care for sick pilgrims; 
(2) the Knights Templar, so 
called from their 
headquarters in the 
inclosure of the an- 
cient temple of Je- 
rusalem ; and (3) the 
Order of Teutonic 
Knights, which was 
composed of Ger- 
mans, whereas the 
members of the others were mostly French. The Hospitalers 
wore a white cross on a black mantle, the Templars a red one 
on white, and the Teutonic Knights a black cross on a white 
ground. The members of these orders were monks, vowed to 
poverty, chastity, and obedience, and living under a rule ; but 
they were also knights, of noble birth, trained to arms, and 




Knight Templar. 
From a 13th century MS. 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 131 

bound to perpetual warfare against the infidel. They consti- 
tuted a permanent force of military monks, resident in the 
Holy Land, with their own grand masters, fortresses, domains, 
and treasuries. In course of time they acquired immense 
possessions in Europe also. Aftei* the end of the crusading 
epoch, the Templars were forcibly dissolved and their goods 
confiscated ; the Teutonic Knights transferred themselves to 
the shores of the Baltic Sea, and there continued to wage 
war against the heathen ; and the Knights Hospitaler, taking 
refuge in Cyprus, in Rhodes, and finally in Malta, preserved an 
independent existence until the close of the eighteenth century. 

The Crusades continued throughout the twelfth and the 
greater part of the thirteenth century. It is customary to 
describe them as " First," " Second," and so on ; but this 
usage obscures the fact that the warfare was almost continu- 
ous, and that there was a constant movement of crusaders 
to and from the Holy Land. At times some exceptional occur- 
rence produced an increase of zeal, and it is to the exceptional 
expeditions that the conventional numbers apply, though other 
movements of almost equal importance must be passed by 
without notice. 

The so-called Second Crusade took place a half century after 
the first. It was caused by the consolidation of the petty 
Mohammedan states of Syria under one powerful ruler, 102. The 
the Atabek (viceroy) of Mosul. The Latin states were ^®°°^^ ^^^^J 
weakened by quarrels of the Templars with the Hospi- (1147-1149) 
talers, of the French with other nationalities, of the Genoese 
with the Pisans and Venetians, and of newcomers from the 
West with the older settlers, whom they accused of too great 
favor toward the infidels. These divisions made it easy for 
the atabek, in 1144, to conquer Edessa and massacre its garri- 
son ; and news of this disaster caused Saint Bernard, abbot of 
the Cistercian monastery of Clairvaux, to make himself the 
preacher of another crusade. Bernard was a man of rare ability, 
Harding's m. & m. hist. — 8 



132 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

education, and devotion, and was the most important figure 
of the twelfth century; in some respects he is the most 
typical man of the Middle Ages. His influence induced two 
sovereigns, Louis VII. of France and Conrad III. of Germany, 
to take the cross and lead tihe crusading forces. 

The route of the Second Crusade was the old one, down the 

^ Danube valley and across Bulgaria to Constantinople. Most 

of the Germans, under Conrad III., perished in Asia Minor, 

through the attacks of the Turks and the hardships of the 

way. Of the army under Louis VII., those without money to 

pay for their passage aboard ship continued by land and were 

almost all destroyed. Only a few troops of the two great 

armies which set out from Europe reached Palestine. The 

whole expedition was a lamentable failure — a result ascribed 

by some to their sins, by others to treachery of the Greeks, 

but really due to the miserable mismanagement of the leaders. 

The power of the atabeks of Mosul grew to yet greater 

heights. The emir of Damascus was conquered ; then Egypt 

103 Sala- ^^^ taken, and the caliphate there was suppressed (1171) 

din. and the by the famous Saladin (Salah-ed-Din), nephew of the 

fallof Jeru- . . , , • . ^ ^^ o /- i , n • 

salem reigning atabek, who secured all oi his uncle's domm- 

(1187) ions, and took the title of sultan. The Christians in 

Syria now found themselves exposed to attacks from one 
who was wise in counsel, brave in battle, and as chival- 
rous in conduct and sincere in his faith as the best of his 
Christian foes. In July, 1187, Saladin won a great victory 
over the Franks, taking captive the king of Jerusalem and the 
Universittf g^'^^cl master of the Templars. " So great is the multi- 
of Pennsyl- tude of the Saracens and Turks," wrote a Hospitaler, 
Tramlatiom, appealing to Europe for aid, "that from Tyre, which 
/. No. 4 they are besieging, they cover the face of the earth as 
far as Jerusalem, like an innumerable army of ants." In Octo- 
ber Jerusalem itself fell, and the Latin states were reduced to 
a few strongly fortified towns near the coast. 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 133 

The loss of Jerusalem caused another great outburst of 
crusading zeal in Europe. Public fasts and prayers were en- 
joined in the Western Church, and the fullest privileges 104. Third 
and spiritual benefits were promised those who should go Crusade 
to the relief of the Holy Land. The three greatest kings (1189-1190) 
of western Europe — Richard I. the Lion-Hearted (Coeur de 
Lion), of England ; Philip IL, surnamed Augustus, of France j 
and Frederick I. of Germany, called Barbarossa (Redbeard) — 
took the cross, and assumed the lead of the Third Crusade. 
The Emperor Frederick, who had gone in his youth on the 
Second Crusade, was the first to start on the Third. Thorough 
organization and strict discipline enabled Frederick to lead his 
army by the Danube route without the customary losses ; but 
while crossing a mountain torrent in Asia Minor the old 
Emperor was drowned (June, 1190), and thereupon the Ger- 
man expedition went to pieces. 

The preparations of Richard and Philip were delayed by 
their mutual hostilities, and it was not until after the death of 
Frederick that they actually started, both expeditions going by 
water. The measures taken against lawlessness and violence 
are shown by the following regulations, drawn up by Richard 
for the English fleet : " Whoever on board ship shall slay 
another is himself to be cast into the sea lashed to the dead 
man ; if he have slain him ashore, he is to be buried in the 
same way. . . . Let a convicted thief be shorn like a Archer, 

prize fighter; after which let boiling pitch be poured ^-^^^^t^ 
on his head and a feather pillow be shaken over it so 9-iq 

as to make him a laughing stock. Then let him be put ashore 
at the first land where the ships touch." 

At Messina, in Sicily, the two expeditions met and spent the 
winter. For the combined armies these regulations were Archer, 

issued: "Let no one in the whole army play at any Richard I 
game for a stake — saving only knights and clerks, who, 37-39 

however, are not to lose more than twenty solidi IsoUdus = a 



134 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



silver coin] in the twenty-four hours. . . . The kings, how- 
ever, may play at their good pleasure. ... If, after starting 
on the journey, any pilgrim has borrowed from another man, 
he shall pay the debt ; but so long as he is on the pilgrimage 
he shall not be liable for a debt contracted before starting. . . . 
No merchant of any kind may buy bread or flour in the army 
to sell it again. . . . Merchants, no matter of what calling, 
shall only make a profit of one penny in ten." 

In Sicily the two kings wrangled; and Richard, following 

up a quarrel with the Sicilian ruler, took Messina and sacked 

105. Third it. Philip at last departed without Richard, and reached 

carrfed^ out ^^^'^ "^ ^^^^^ "^ ^P^'^^' ^^^^' '^^^^ English, following 
(1191-1192) later, again turned aside — this time to conquer Cyprus, 

whose king had permitted the plunder of pilgrim vessels on 

his coast. 




JIM 






r^'f^fS^. 



i^^-'if - ^ Jr 




Present View of Acre. 



In June, Richard joined Philip before Acre, the siege of 

which had already dragged on for more than twenty months. 

Archer and "The Lord is not in the camp," wrote one of the be- 

Crumdes ' siegers before this date ; '' there is none that doeth good. 

323 The leaders strive with one another, while the lesser folk 

starve and have none to help. The Turks are persistent in 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 135 

attack, while our knights skulk Avithin their tents." The 
arrival of Richard infused new energy into the operations. 
He was an undutiful son, an oppressive king, and (in spite of 
his superficial chivalry and courtesy) a violent and cruel man ; 
but he was a warrior of splendid strength and skill, and one of 
the best military engineers of the Middle Ages. In July, Acre 
capitulated; when the ransom agreed upon was not forth- 
coming, Richard massacred 2000 hostages left in his hands. 

After the fall of Acre, Philip returned to France, taking an 
oath not to attack Richard's territories in his absence — an 
oath which he straightway broke. In the subsequent opera- 
tions in Syria, motives of selfish interest were more prominent 
than in the First Crusade. In January, 1192, Richard advanced 
almost to within sight of Jerusalem, but was forced to retreat. 
Finally, news came from England that his brother John had 
rebelled against him, in alliance with Philip of France. 

Recalled by this news, Richard set out in October for home. 
He landed at the head of the Adriatic Sea, and sought to 
make his way in disguise through Germany ; but was recog- 
nized, and was thrown into prison by the duke of Austria, 
whom he had grievously offended on the crusade. He had 
made an enemy of the Emperor also by allying himself with 
German rebels ; so he obtained his liberty only after two years 
of captivity, and on the payment of a ruinous ransom. The 
remainder of his life (he died in 1199) was spent in warfare 
with Philip of France. Saladin, who had done so much to 
revive the Mohammedan power, died in 1193. 

The enthusiasm, which produced the Crusades was slowly 

dying out, but the exhortations of the papacy could still call it 

forth to momentary activity. Innocent III., who became ,^^ 

•^ *^ ' 106. Fourth 

Pope in 1198, appealed to the princes of Europe, as Crusade 

vassals of Christ, to reconquer for Him the Holy Land. (1201-1204) 

No king responded to this call, but a number of knights and 

nobles (mostly French) gathered at Venice for the Fourth 



136 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



Crusade in 1201. It was intended at first to strike at the 
Mohammedan power in Egypt, as the likeliest way to secure 
the permanent recovery of Palestine ; but circumstances led 
the crusaders to turn their arms against Constantinople, and 
waste their strength in fighting Christian foes. 

Six years earlier the Greek emperor, Isaac Angelus, had been 
overthrown, blinded, and imprisoned through a revolution ; and 

his son came to the West to beg 
for aid. The Venetians, who had 
contracted to carry the crusaders 
to the East for a large sum of 
money, cared little for the cru- 
sade, but a great deal for their con- 
tract. When the crusaders found 
that they were not able to pay the 
full amount they had agreed upon, 
the Venetian " doge " (duke) Dan- 
dolo — a man ninety years of age 
and blind, but possessed of the 
highest courage and ambition for 
his city — induced their chiefs to 
turn their arms against Constanti- 
DoGE OF Venice. nople. Pope Innocent III. had 

Costume before the 16th century, already excommunicated the cru- 
FromCesareVecellio. ^^^^^.^ ^^^ attacking a Christian 

town in Dalmatia to aid the Venetians; but it was rightly 
believed that the prospect of extending the papal power over 
the Greek Church would cause him to forget his anger. 

After a short siege, Constantinople fell in July, 1203 — the 

first time it was ever taken by a foreign foe. Isaac Angelus 

107 S k ^'^^ restored to his throne, but he and his son soon per- 

ofConstan- ished in a rebellion of the fanatical populace, and the 

crusaders were forced to capture the city a second 

time. Terrible punishment was now meted out to the van- 




tinople. 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 



137 



quished. In three great fires the most populous parts of 
the city were destroyed. Violence and indignity were the 
lot of the survivors; and Pope Innocent III. accused the 
crusaders of respecting neither age, nor sex, nor religious 
profession. The city was systematically pillaged; even the 
churches were profaned, and stripped of their rich hangings 
and of their gold and silver vessels. Precious works of art — 




' St. Mark's Church, Venice. 
Facade remodeled in fifteenth century. 

the accumulation of a thousand years — were destroyed ; 
statues of brass and bronze were broken up and melted for the 
metal which they contained ; and the Venetians carried to 
Venice the four bronze horses which still adorn the front of 
their Church of St. Mark. The more pious gave themselves to 
the search for holy relics — a venerable and profitable booty. 
As a result of this sack, Constantinople lost forever that 
unique splendor which had made it the wonder of the world. 



138 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



In the division of the conquered territory the Venetians got 
the lion's share, receiving practically a monopoly of the trade 
108 Latin ^^ ^^® empire, together with the possession of most of 
Empire of the islands and coast lands of the ^gean and Ionian 
nopie seas. The remainder of the empire (so far as it was in 

(1204-1261) the possession of the crusaders) was divided among their 
chiefs, and a feudal state was erected : of this '' Latin Empire " 




Saladin's Empire, and the Results of the Fourth Crusade. 



Tout, 



of Constantinople, Count Baldwin of Flanders was chosen em- 
peror, while a Venetian priest was set as Patriarch over the 
Greek Church. 

" No feudal state was ever strong, but no feudal state was 
ever so weak as the Latin Empire in the East ; " this was 
Empire and chiefly due to the hostility of the Greeks to their new 
Papacy, 349 ^-j^g^g^g^.g^ jj^ ^gj^^ Minor there was from the beginning a 
rival government which afforded a rallying point for the 
Greek nationality ; and when Constantinople was recaptured 
by the Greeks, in 1261, the Latin Empire was overthrown, 
after half a century of uncertain existence. In certain localities 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 139 

"Frank" feudatories were enabled to hold ont longer, and 

the remains of their castles still dot the landscape of Greece. 

The Venetians kept much of their conquests for centuries, and 

long after the Middle Ages they retained something of the 

power in the eastern Mediterranean which Dandolo, their 

blind old doge, gained for them in the Fourth Crusade. 

Throughout the thirteenth century there was much talk of 

crusades, and Europe was systematically and regularly taxed 

for them, but with very little positive results. In 1218 109. Cru- 

an expedition composed mainly of Germans, who made ^.^^® 

^ ^ . against 

the long voyage around by Gibraltar in three hundred Egypt 

ships, was directed against Egypt. The city of Damietta, (1218-1221) 

in the delta of the Nile, was taken, and the sultan offered in 

exchange the kingdom of Jerusalem. The offer was rejected ; 

then the crusaders were defeated, and were glad to give up 

Damietta in return merely for a free retreat (1221). 

In 1228-1229 occurred a crusade under the Emperor 

Frederick II. which resulted in restoring Jerusalem for a time 

to the Christians, although the crusade was hampered by ^o. Cru- 

Frederick's quarrel with the Pope, who excommunicated sade 

Ijy Fred- 
him (§ 132) both before and after he sailed. Frederick, erick II. 

who was in advance of his age, treated with the sultan (1228-1229) 
instead of fighting him ; and by skillful negotiation he secured 
a truce for ten years, and the restoration of Bethlehem, Nazareth, 
and Jerusalem to the Christians (map, p. 129). 

After Frederick's departure, the kingdom of Jerusalem was 
for fifteen years filled with the wars and brigandage of Chris- 
tians J and the only thing that saved it thus long from recap- 
ture was the fact that the Mohammedan world also was torn 
by dissensions. In 1244 Jerusalem was finally lost to a new 
Turkish race (the Charismians) fresh from the interior of Asia. 
This calamity produced no great outburst of crusading zeal ; 
the Popes were engaged in the last desperate struggle with 
the Hohenstaufen Emperors (see ch. x.), and the peoples and 



140 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

princes of western Europe were beginning to be occupied with 
problems nearer home. 

However, in 1248, Louis IX. of France (later canonized as a 

saint) set out for Egypt with a French army. He succeeded 

only in duplicating the failure of 1218 : again Damietta 

crusades was taken ; then the army was defeated, King Louis and 

(1248-1291) ^Qg^ q£ j-^ig jj^gjj were captured, and he was forced to 

ransom himself by the surrender of Damietta and the payment 

of a large sum of money. After his release the king remained 

for four years (until 1254) in Syria, strengthening the few 

Christian posts that were left. 

In 1270 Louis IX. again undertook a crusade, but was di- 
verted this time to Tunis. There he died of the plague, and 
the army returned to France. Prince Edward of England had 
taken the cross at the same time, and spent two years in Syria, 
but returned in 1272 to take the English crown as Edward I. 
Acre, the last Christian stronghold in Syria, fell in 1291. 
Thereafter no armies went to Syria or Egypt to attempt the 
recovery of the holy places. Thenceforth the Latin power in 
the East was represented only by the islands of Cyprus and 
Ehodes. Soon Christendom had to tax its energies to defend 
Europe itself against the Ottoman Turks, the latest and most 
formidable champions of Mohammedanism. The period of the 
Crusades was at an end. 

The tendency has been to exaggerate the influence of the 

Crusades and to minimize the importance of other factors 

in changing the institutions and customs of Europe. 

suits of the iSTevertheless, the migration, year by year, of thousands 

Crusades ^^ persons to and from the Mohammedan East, during a 

period of nearly two centuries, could not but have important 

results for the Christian West. 

(1) In respect to military usages, Europe owed to the Cru- 
sades the drum, trumpet, tents, quilted armor for the protection 
of the common soldier, the surcoat worn over the knightly coat 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 141 

of mail, the whole system of armorial '^bearings" (heraldic 
devices on shields, etc.) by which knights proclaimed their 
family and lineage, and many improvements in the art of build- 
ing and taking fortified places : " the siege of great fenced Oman, His- 

cities like Nicaea, Antioch, or Jerusalem was almost an ^^^y (>f the 
' ' Art of 

education in itself to the engineers of the West." Among War, 526 
social effects were the increased use of baths, the increased use of 
pepper and other spices in foods, and the wearing of the beard. 
(2) On the development of commerce, the Crusades exerted 
a great influence. Italian cities like Venice, Pisa, and Genoa 




State Barge of Venice. 

grew rich through the transportation of pilgrims and cru- 
saders and their supplies, and through the importation into 
Europe of the products of the East. In the north, such cities 
as Ratisbon, Nuremberg, and the market towns of northern 
France developed as distributing centers for the importations 
of Italy, and regular routes of inland commerce were estab- 
lished. Money became increasingly necessary; banks were 
established, and means of exchange devised. " It was . . . not 
simply during the Crusades," says the German historian Prutz, 
" but as a result of them, and of the commerce which they had 
called into being, that money became a power — we might 
almost say a world power." 



142 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

(3) A multitude of new natural products and manufactures 
— such as sugar cane, buckwheat, rice, garlic, hemp; the 
orange, watermelon, lemon, lime, and apricot ; dyestuffs, cot- 
tons, muslins, damask, satin, and velvet — were introduced 
from the East in the Middle Ages ; but it is difficult to say 
which of these came as a result of the Crusades, and which 
from peaceful intercourse with Constantinople, Syria, northern 
Africa, and Spain. 

(4) The political and social organization of Europe was 
already undergoing profound modification, and the Crusades 
helped on the change. Crusaders often freed their serfs to 
get money, or for the good of their souls. The wealth gained 
by townsmen in commerce enabled them to buy or wrest 
important rights of self-government from their lords. The 
feudal nobles, especially of France, were greatly weakened by the 
enormous waste of their numbers and resources in the East ; 
and the lower classes and the crown were correspondingly 
strengthened. In Germany, where as a class the nobles would 
have nothing to do with the Crusades, they were neither im- 
poverished nor reduced in numbers, nor was their military 
and political importance diminished ; for this reason, among 
others, Germany was later than France in entering upon the 
path of social progress, industrial development, and real 
national unity. 

(5) The most important influence of all was in the world 
of thought. The hundreds of thousands who made the 
journey to the Orient had their minds stimulated and their 
mental horizons broadened by beholding new lands, new 
peoples, and new customs. " They came from their castles 

Lavisse and ^"^^ ^^^^^ villages," says a French writer, " having seen 
Ramhaud, nothing, more ignorant than our peasants ; they found 
G4n4rale themselves suddenly in great cities, in the midst of new 
11.346 countries, in the presence of unfamiliar usages." Thus 

the way was paved for the subtle change in intellectual atmos- 



THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 143 

phere, beginning in the fourteenth century, which we style the 
Renaissance. Tliis we may reckon the greatest though the 
most indefinite result of the whole crusading movement ; but 
other factors, it must not be forgotten, were already working 
in the same direction. 

The conquests made by the crusaders in the Holy Land 
were organized as a feudal kingdom, of which the chief 
defense was the three crusading orders — the Knights j^g ^^^^ 
Hospitaler, the Knights Templar, and the Teutonic mary 

Knights. The Second Crusade (1147-1149), occasioned by 
the fall of Edessa, was undertaken by Conrad III. of Ger- 
many and Louis VII. of France, and ended in failure. The 
Third Crusade (1189-1192), caused by the capture of Jeru- 
salem by Saladin in 1187, was led by the Emperor Frederick 
Barbarossa, King Richard I. of England, and Philip Augustus 
of France ; Acre was taken, but Jerusalem remained in the 
hands of the Mohammedans. The Fourth Crusade (1201- 
1204) was turned by the Venetians against Constantinople, 
and resulted in the establishing of the Latin Empire of 
the East, which lasted from 1204 to 1261. The Emperor 
Frederick II. led a crusade (1228-1229), which regained Jeru- 
salem through treaty ; but it was lost again in 1244. In 1248 
Louis IX. of France led an unsuccessful crusade against 
Egypt; and in 1270 he led a second crusade against 
Tunis, equally without result. After 1291 the crusading 
movement to the East was at an end. Although the Cru- 
sades failed to recover permanently the Holy Land, they 
profoundly influenced Europe, especially through the wider 
outlook and the stimulus to thought which they supplied. 

TOPICS 

(1) "Why were the Latin states in the East organized on a feudal Suggestive 
model ? (2) To what forces was the defense of Palestine left in ^°^^°° 



144 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



Search 
topics 



the intervals between the Crusades? (3) Why did the Second 
Crusade fail? (4) Compare the organization and leadership of 
the Third Crusade with that of the First. Why did it accomplish 
less ? (5) Was the Fourth Crusade more of a religious or a politi- 
cal war? (6) Why were the later crusades directed against 
Egypt ? (7) Why did the crusading movement come to an end 
when it did ? (8) Did the Crusades on the whole do more good 
or more harm? 

(9) The life of a Knight Templar. (10) Saint Bernard as a 
preacher of the Second Crusade. (11) Relations of Christians 
and Mohammedans in Palestine. (12) Saladin. (13) The sect 
of the Assassins and the Old Man of the Mountain. (14) Richard 
the Lion- Hearted as a crusader. (15) The " Children's Crusade." 
(16) The Crusade of Frederick II. (17) The Crusade of Louis IX. 
to Egypt. (18) Effect of the Crusades on home realms and 
estates of crusaders. 



Geoen^aphy 



Secondary- 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



REFERENCES 

Maps, pp. 112, 113, 129, 138 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps vi. 
Ixxvi. Ixxxix. ; Dow, Atlas, ix. 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 268-278 ; B^mont 
and Monod, Medieval Europe, 355-374 ; Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, 
367-397 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, ch. xv. ; 
Tout, Etnpire and Papacy, 185-197, 295-303, 336-357, 450-463; 
Henderson, Germany in the Middle Ages, ch. xxiii. ; Munro and 
Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 248-256 ; Archer and Kingsford, 
Crusades, chs. xiv. xvii.-xxii. xxiv. xxv. xxviii. ; Cornish, Chivalry, 
125-153 ; Mombert, Short Histoid of the Crusades, chs. v. vii. xiii. 
xiv. xvii. ; Cox, Crusades, chs. v.-xv. ; Oman, History of the Art 
of War, 229-350; Lacroix, Military and Beligious Life in the 
Middle Ages, 104-136; Finlay, History of Greece, IV. ch. iii. ; 
Historians' History of the World, VIII. 358-480. 

Robinson, Headings, I. 330-345 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
Book, nos. 281-288 ;. University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
Beprints, III. No. 1, II. Nos. 2, 4 ; Henderson, Documents of the 
Middle Ages, bk. i. no. vi., bk. iii. nos. v. vii. ; Chronicles of 
the Crusades (Bohn) ; Archer, Crusade of Richard I. 

Scott, Ivanhoe, — The Talisman ; J. G. Edgar, The Boy Cru- 
saders] C. M. Yonge, The Prince and the Page ; Marion Crawford, 
Via Crucis ; L^on Cahun, The Blue Banner ; Maurice Hewlett, 
Bichard Yea-and-Nay. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE AND THE ITALIAN COM- 
MUNES (1125-1190) 

We must now turn to the history of Germany and Italy in 

the period of the Crusades. The death of Henry V. — the 

last of the Francouian Emperors — i n 11 25 without a son ^^4 pj.g_ 

gave opportunity for a f re^ election for the first time in lude to 

a century ; and Lothair II. of Saxony was chosen king fen period 

of Germany. "It is with good right," says a writer of (1125-1138) 

that time, "that we call Lothair the father of his country, 

for he upheld it strenuously and was always ready to risk 

his life for justice's sake." " In his days," says another, 

" the service of God increased and there was plenty 7^0?/^^ Em- 

in all things." In 1133 Lothair led an expedition into pireand 

r . Papacy, 

Italy to settle a disputed election to the papacy, and 225 

was crowned Emperor. A second expedition to Italy three 

years later was successfully directed against the Norman, 

Koger IL, who had united southern Italy to Sicily; but in 

the moment of victory the Pope and the Emperor quarreled 

over the suzerainty of the Norman territories. Lothair, who 

was upward of seventy years of age, died on his way back 

to Germany. Two years later, Eoger made a peace with the 

papacy by which his assumption of the title King of Sicily 

was sanctioned, and he agreed to hold his kingdom as a 

papal fief. 

On the death of Lothair without a son, Conrad, nephew of 

Henry V., was chosen king at an assembly in Which the 

magnates of Franconia and Swabia alone were present. In 

146 



146 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



his person, the Hohen- 

staufen house, the 

most brilliant of all 

the imperial houses, 

mounted the throne, 

and for six reigns it 

guided the destinies 

of Germany and Italy 

(reigns 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 

and 8 in table below).^ 

The candidate of 

the Saxons and Bava- 

,,r « I, rians in 1138 

115 sfuelf 

and ahibel- was the head of 

^^°® the family of 

Welf, Henry the 
Proud, duke of Bava- 
ria and Saxony and 
son-in-law of Lothair ; 
he made himself the 




Ruins of Hohenstaufen. (From an old print.) 



iTHE HOUSES OF WELF AND HOHENSTAUFEN IN GEEMANY 

Frederick 
Henry the Black, 
Duke of Bavaria, 
head of the house 

of WELF (see table, p. 98) 



(1) Lothair IL, of Saxony 
(1125-1137) 



of 

HOHENSTAUFEN = Agnes, sister of the 

Emperor Henry V. 



Gertrude = Henry the Proud 
Henry the Lion (d. 1195) 



I 

'6) Otto IV. (1198-1214) 
(d. 1218) 



William, 

ancestor 

of the 

Electors of 

Hanover 

and of the 

Hanoverian 

sovereigns 

of Great 

Britain 



Judith = Frederick the One-eyed, 
Duke of Swabia 

(2) Conrad III. 
(1188-1152) 
First Hohen- 
(3) Frederick I., Barbarossa staufen king 
(1152-1190) 

I 



(4) Henry VI. 

(1190-1197) 

(7) Frederick II. 

(1214-1250) 

I 



I 
(5) Philip of Swabia 

(1198-1208) 



Henry 
(d. 1242) 



(8) Conrad IV. 
(1250-1254) 

Conradin (slain, 1268) 



Manfred 
(illegit. ; d. 1266) 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 147 

head of the North German opposition to the Hohenstaufen, 
and for three quarters of a century the kingdom was torn by 
the quarrels of these powerful families. Their rival cries, 
" Hi Welfen ! " and " Hi Waiblingen ! " (the latter from a 
little village of Swabia near the castle of Hohenstaufen), 
gave rise to new party names. Beginning as a struggle 
of rival families, the contest became a warfare of contending 
principles. In general, the Hohenstaufen party, or " Ghibel- 
lines " (corrupted from Waiblingen), stood for the principle of 
strong monarchical government and for imperial rule over 
Italy ; whereas the " Guelf " (or Welf) party represented feu- 
dal opposition to the monarchy, and the independence of the 
Italian towns. It was impossible for the papacj^ to avoid 
taking sides; in Germany its influence was usually, and in 
Italy almost always, on the side of the Guelfs. " Broadly Fisher, 

speaking, the Guelfs were papalists, the Ghibellines im- Medixval 
perialists; the Ghibellines were the party who desired a 331 

strong government, the Guelfs the party who preferred par- 
ticularism ; the Ghibellines would bring in the German, the 
Guelfs would cry ' Italy for the Italians.' " But these larger 
issues were gradually lost sight of in the feuds of factions; 
and by the fifteenth century the names Guelf and Ghibelline 
lingered only in Italy, where they came to mean no more than 
party differences in the mode of building battlements, in wear- 
ing feathers in the cap, in cutting fruit at the table, in habits 
of yawning, passing in the street, throwing dice, gestures in 
speaking or swearing. 

A quarrel between Conrad III. and Henry the Proud began 
almost immediately through Conrad's attempt to deprive 
his Welf rival of his duchies. Dukedoms, like the office ni., first 
of count, though originally in the gift of the king, were Hohen- 

fast becoming hereditary ; this attack, therefore, produced Emperor 
civil war. In the midst of the struggle Henry the Proud (H38-1152) 
died, leaving as his heir a ten-year-old son, later known as 

HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. — 9 



148 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

Kenry the Lion; a compromise was then arranged by which 
the duchy of Saxony was restored to the house of Welf, but 
Bavaria was withheld. 

The great event of Conrad's reign was the German ex- 
pansion to the northeast, which in spite of anarchy and civil 
war went steadily on. It owed its success to the efforts of 
local rulers ; especially was it indebted to a great religious 
leader, Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, the founder of a 
new order of clergy (the Premonstratensian canons), who took 
the leading part in Christianizing and civilizing the Slavs 
beyond the Elbe. 

Modern historians maintain that it is impossible to establish 
the descent of the municipal governments of the Middle Ages 
117. Italian from those of Roman times. In Italy, as elsewhere, the 
communes Germanic invasions left the ancient cities dismantled and 
reduced in population. Those w^ho continued to dw^ell on the 
ancient sites were mere serfs, like the peasants of the surround- 
ing country, and were governed by counts or (as in Lombardy) 
by bishops who held the powers of counts. 

Nevertheless many elements of urban life, though not of 
municipal institutions, were preserved ; these, with the privi- 
leges and immunities granted the count-bishops, and the ad- 
vantages afforded for commerce and industry, led to an earlier 
revival of city life there than elsewhere. Walls were restored 
or newly erected, and in time city governments followed. The 
union of merchants and artisans in " guilds," for the control 
of commerce and of different trades or crafts, became a prece- 
dent for that larger union of the inhabitants which eventu- 
ally wrested freedom and self-government from their rulers. 
Thus, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the count-bishops 
of the Lombard cities lost their sovereign rights, which passed 
to the citizens. At the same time war was made upon neigh- 
boring barons, whose castles threatened the newly won inde- 
pendence of the towns ; and the feudal nobility were forced to 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1126-1190) 149 

throw in their lot with the municipalities, taking np their resi- 
dence for part of every year within the city walls. Danger 
from without was thus reduced, but another danger followed: 
every city soon bristled with tall, battle mented towers, the 
strongholds of rival clans; and family, factional, and regional 
fights, the expression of hereditary hatreds, became alarmingly 
frequent. 

In the communes of Lombardy there were three chief organs 
of government. The executive power in war and peace was in 
the hands of a board of "consuls," varying in number from 
eight to twenty, chosen for short terms, and paid out of the 
city treasury. As advisers and assistants to the consuls there 
were secret councils, without whose consent no important 
action could be taken. Behind these stood the general as- 
sembly (the Parlamentum) of all the men belonging to the 
commune ; but this, in most cities, was convened only on 
extraordinary occasions. 

These communal governments were free in the sense that 
they were practically exempt from external control ; but their 
citizens were far from enjoying individual liberty. The mem- 
ber of a commune was bound to his town as closely as a serf 
to the soil; he belonged all Ms life to a certain class, to a 
trade, to a guild, to a parish, to a ward ; and the details of his 
private life — such as the number of trees he might plant iu 
his orchard, the number of priests and candles he might em- 
ploy at funerals — were all precisely regulated. 

With the growth of city life, and the discussions aroused by 
the investiture conflict, came the revival of the study of Roman 
or civil law. Until the tweKth century, the written law 
of Rome, though regarded with superstitious reverence, and canon 
was imperfectly understood ; now men awoke to the con- ^*^ 

sciousness that in its precepts were principles applicable to the 
new conditions produced by the rise of city life. At Bologna, 
the fame of Imerius, who began to lecture on the Code and 



150 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

Institutes of Justinian about the year 1110, drew together a 
body of students which numbered ten thousand by the close of 
Pollock and the century. " Of all the centuries," says a writer on the 
^n^lish' history of law, " the twelfth is the most legal. In no age 
Law, I. Ill since the classical days of Roman law has so large a part 
of the sum total of intellectual endeavor been devoted to juris- 
prudence. . . . From every corner of western Europe students 
flocked to Italy. It was as if a new gospel had been revealed. 
Before the end of the ceutury complaints were loud that the- 
ology was neglected, that the liberal arts were despised, . . . 
that men would learn law and nothing but law." 

A powerful class of trained lawyers resulted from this study. 
One of the principles of Roman jurisprudence was that "the 
Institutes, will of the prince has the force of law " ; the lawyers, 
/. a. 6 therefore, became valuable allies of Emperors and kings 

in their warfare against feudal and clerical opponents, and 
greatly aided in transforming the feudal sovereignties of the 
Middle Ages into the absolute monarchies of the seventeenth 
century. 

At the same time with the revival of the study of the civil 
law, the study of the church or canon law also received a 
powerful impetus, in part because of such contests as that over 
investiture, and in part from the preparation of a text-book 
on canon law called (from its author, a monk named Gratian) 
the Decretum Gratiani. The canon law was based on the 
teachings of Scripture and the Fathers, the decrees of church 
councils, and the decretals of Popes (not excepting the False 
Decretals, § 63). It became as elaborate and comprehensive a- 
system as the civil law; and canon lawyers proved as zealous 
upholders of the j)apal claims as civil lawyers were of imperial 
prerogatives. 

When the princes of Germany met, in 1152, to select a 
successor to Conrad III., they passed by his infant son and 
chose his nephew Frederick, in whose veins ran Welf as well 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 



151 



as Hohenstaufen blood (see genealogy on p. 146). This elec- 
tion, taken with the two preceding ones, established it as " the 

cardinal principle of the law of the Konian Empire," to 119- Acces- 

^ sion of 

use the language of a contemporary chronicler, "that Frederick 

the succession depends not upon -"^^^^f^^J^^o^ 

(115<6) 

hereditary right, but on the elec- ^^^^ ^^. 

tion of the princes." The German Freising 
kingship was becoming definitely elect- 
ive, while in France and England the 
crown was becoming definitely heredi- 
tary. This difference was due in large 
part to the fact that the German king, 
after his coronation by the Pope, was 
also Emperor, and the Popes never ad- 
mitted that the imperial dignity was 
hereditary, or that the coronation as 
Emperor was to be considered a mere 
form. Papal influence, therefore, com- 
bined with the interest of the princes to 
keep up the custom of election. 

Frederick I., surnamed Barbarossa 
(Redbeard), was in many respects the 
ideal Emperor of the Middle Ages. He 
combined the qualities of a skilled 
statesman and good general with the 
virtues of a crusader and hero of ro- 
mance. His greatest ambition, as he 
wrote the Pope soon after his accession^ 
was to restore the grandeur of the 
Eoman Empire in all its ancient vigor 
and excellence. But unlike Otto III., 
Frederick was no dreamer; he sought to know his rights 
as Emperor, and he used practical means to enforce them: 
he has well been called an "imperialist Hildebrand." His 




Frederick I. 

Twelfth century sculp- 
ture on wall of a 
Bavarian monastery. 



152 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

first task was to settle affairs north of the Alps so that he 
might be free to carry out his imperial ambitions in Italy. 
Bavaria was restored to his cousin Henry the Lion, while 
its dispossessed holder was given a new duchy, that of Austria 
(Oesterreich) , formed from the old Ostmark of Bavaria. 

Before these arrangements were completed, Frederick was 
called into Italy, where the ambition of the Norman king was 
120. First causing trouble, and the Roman populace had rebelled 
Italian ex- against the Pope and set up a commune. The leading spirit 
Frederick I. at Rome was a visionary reformer named Arnold of Bres- 
(1154-1155) Q^^ — g^ m2in, Saint Bernard once wrote, "whose words are 
Milman, as honey, but whose doctrines are poison, whom Brescia 
tianity,iv' cast forth, at whom Rome shuddered, whom France has 
^^^ banished, whom Germany will soon hold in abomination, 

whom Italy will not endure." From Lombardy also came com- 
plaints of the oppressions suffered by the smaller cities from 
their powerful neighbor Milan. Hastening over the Alps in 
1154, Frederick taught the Italians, by the destruction of 
Tortona, one of Milan's allies, that the Emperor was still to 
be feared. At Pavia he assumed the iron crown of Italy, and 
soon after received the imperial crown at Rome from Pope 
Adrian IV., the only Englishman who ever filled the papal 
office. Rome was reduced to order, and Arnold of Brescia, who 
was handed over to the prefect of the city by Frederick, was 
hanged and his body burned. 

Soon after Frederick's return from Italy, a quarrel broke 
out, which shows the difficulty of long preserving harmonious 
relations between papacy and empire. A legate of Adrian IV. 
delivered a letter to Frederick in which mention was made of 
the "benefits" (beneficia) conferred upon the Emperor by the 
Pope. When objection was made to the letter on the ground 
that the language used might bear the sense of a feudal 
" benefice " granted by a lord to a vassal, the legate added 
fuel to the fire by asking, " Of whom, then, does he hold the 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 153 

empire but of our lord the Pope ? " In a written declaration 

Frederick replied that "the empire is held by us, through the 

election of the princes, from God alone. . . . Whoso- Matthews, 

e?er says that we received the imperial crown from the Mediseval 

•^ ^ DociimentSy 

lord Pope as a benefice, goes against the divine com- 83 

mandment and the teaching of Peter, and is guilty of false- 
hood/' Subsequently the Pope explained that the word hene- 
Jicia in his letter meant benefits and not fiefs ; but the distrust 
aroused could not be allayed. 

From 1158 to 1162 Frederick was again in Italy, called 
thither by the ambitions of the Milanese. After a brief resist- 
ance, their city submitted. A great "diet," or meeting 121 Second 
of imperial vassals and communes, was held in the plain Italian ex- 
of Eoncaglia; and in order that the Emperors preroga- Frederick I. 
tives might be known for the future, all holders of rights (1158-1162) 
of government and the like were required to show by what 
warrant they exercised them. With respect to the Lombard 
cities, it was announced that the Emperor's control was no 
longer to be merely nominal, but that their magistrates would 
be appointed by him with the assent of the people. 

Opposition to the execution of these decrees soon manifested 
itself. At Milan the attempt to set up a foreign magistrate in 
place of the elective consuls led to a new revolt, in which the 
citizens with heroic courage held out for three years. When at 
last famine forced them to yield, Frederick, " hardening his 
face like a rock," decreed the destruction of their city : the 
loudest complaints against Milan had come from its Italian 
enemies, and it was their hands which carried out the decree. 

The successes of the Emperor in Lombardy aroused appre- 
hensions at Rome. When Adrian IV. died, a majority ^22. Pa- 

of the cardinals chose as Pope, under the name of Alex- pacy and 

Lombard 
ander III. (1159-1181), that legate whose bold language League 

had called forth Frederick's declaration concerning the (1159-1174) 
imperial office; in ability and lofty ambition he proved a 



154 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



worthy successor of the great Hildebrand. The minority of 
the cardinals elected an anti-pope favorable to the imperial 
cause. To the demand that the disputed election should be 
referred to a council of the whole church, Alexander replied, 
"No one has the right to judge me, since I am the supreme 




T ucca Cities of the , , , , . 

■- Tuscan League ^^„,jr\^ 20 AO 60 



The Lombard League (lir>7) and the Tuscan League (1196). 

judge of all the world." Frederick supported his anti-pope, 
and in 1165 swore never to acknowledge Alexander' III. or any 
Pope elected by his party ; but by France, England, and the 
rest of Western Christendom Alexander was recognized. 

After four years of exile in France, Alexander returned to 
Rome, in 1165, only to be driven forth two years later by ^ 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 



155 



force which Frederick led over the Alps. The Lombard com- 
munes then united in a league against the Emperor; and the 
very cities which had demanded the destruction of Milan now 
lent aid to rebuild and refortify it. Within a few months the 
chief towns of the plain of the Po, from Milan to Venice, from 
Bergamo to Bologna, were formed into a confederation pledged 
to mutual assistance, Alexander sent his blessing to the con- 
federates, and they in turn supported his cause ; and a new city, 
founded to guard the descent into Italy by the western passes, 
was named Alessandria in his honor. Out of hatred to Ger- 
many, Italy seemed about to arrive at a consciousness of 
national unity. 

For six years Italy enjoyed practical independence. In 
Germany, Frederick found increasing difficulty in keeping the 

clergy true to his 123. Defeat 




anti-pope ; while 



M.viL-cLAD German Horseman. 
From a 12th century MS. 



of Freder- 
ick I. at Leg- 
the growing power nano (1176) 

of Henry the Lion in the 
north threatened trouble. 
Not until 1174 was the 
Emperor able to lead 
another expedition into 
Italy. In 1176 came the 
decisive battle, when the 
imperial army, number- 
ing six thousand, encoun- 
tered the eight thousand 
troops of the Lombard 
League at Legnano, not 



far from Milan. At first 
the mail-clad German horsemen carried all before them ; but 
the guard about the Milanese carrocdo, a war chariot bearing an 
altar and the banners of the confederated towns, fought des- 
perately, and the Emperor himself was at length unhorsed. 



156 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

The imperial forces fled, and it was only with difficulty and 
almost unattended that Frederick reached Pavia. "Glorious 
has been our triumph," wrote the Milanese to Bologna, " infi- 
nite the number of the killed among the enemy, the drowned, 
the prisoners. We have in our hands the shield, the banner, 
cross, and lance of the Emperor, and we found silver and gold 
in his coffers, and booty of inestimable value ; but we do not 
consider these things ours, but the common property of the 
Pope and the Italians." 

Frederick was now forced to make peace with the Pope, with 
the communes, and with the Norman king, who had supported 

124 Treat- *^^^^ cause. At Venice, in 1177, he acknowledged Alex- 

ies of ander as Pope, and prostrated himself at his feet : it was 

Venice 

(1177) and J^^^ ^^^^ hundred years since Henry IV. humbled him- 

Constance gelf before Gregory VII. at Canossa. The final peace with 
the communes was not concluded until 1183, at Constance, 
when their rights to elect their own officers, to build fortifica- 
tions, to enter into leagues, to raise troops, and to coin money 
were clearly recognized. Thenceforth the cities of Lombardy 
were practically self-governing republics, the barest overlord- 
ship remaining to the Emperor. Under these new conditions 
their commerce flourished more and more ; but their political 
life, under the overstimulus of freedom, broke out incessantly 
into quarrels and riots. In many respects the mediaeval com- 
munes fell short of our ideas of orderly liberty and political 
justice ; but it was amid the busy, turbulent life within their 
walls that the Renaissance spirit was developed. 

While Frederick was pursuing the shadow of power in Italy, 
Henry the Lion was seizing its substance in Germany. After 

125 F 11 f ^^^ restoration to the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, his 
the house of calculating leadership raised the power of his family to a 

* yet higher point by conquering the Slavic lands between 

the Elbe and the Oder. Ltibeck, the first German town to 
arise on the Baltic Sea, and Munich, the present capital of 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 15T 

Bavaria, owe their existence largely to him. The Emperor long 
pursued a conciliatory policy toward his formidable rival, and 
assisted him when his Saxon vassals rebelled; but the refusal 
of Henry to aid the Emperor in Italy caused Frederick to 
abandon his policy of conciliation. Henry was cited to appear 
at different diets to answer charges preferred by nobles and 
clergy under him ; and after his fourth citation and failure to 
appear, he was condemned by default, and sentenced to banish- 
ment and the forfeiture of his lands. The support given the 
Emperor by the lesser nobles made the execution of this sen- 
tence easy, and for some years Henry the Lion was forced to 
live in exile in J^ormandy and England. Ultimately he regained 
his allodial estates (§ 33), and these became the nucleus of the 
later duchy of Brunswick and electorate of Hanover, from 
which Great Britain in 1714 derived its present line of kings. 

The vacant Saxon duchy (shorn of its western half) was 
given to a member of the Ascanian house, and the name 
" Saxony " shifted somewhat to the south and east of its old 
location. Bavaria was bestowed on Otto of Wittelsbach, in 
whose house it still remains; but it, too, was weakened by the 
separation of important districts. These changes marked the 
end of the "stem-duchy'' system of territorial organization, and 
the beginning of that policy of division and subdivision which 
by the end of the Middle Ages made Germany a chaos of 
petty principalities and lordships. Actually the benefit of 
the downfall of Henry the Lion went to the local nobility who 
supplied the force by which it was carried out. 

Frederick's reign constitutes one of the most brilliant epochs 
in the history of mediaeval Germany. The rural districts ad- 
vanced in prosperity; forests were cleared, land increased 126. Ger- 

in value, and agriculture was improved. The condition ™^^ ^^*^®s 

andciviliza- 
of the peasants, both serfs and free tenants, was materi- tion 

ally bettered. The turbulent life of the nobles was somewhat 

softened and refined, as a result of the intimate connections 



158 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

with Italy and Burgundy, and of the Crusades. A courtly 
German literature was born in the chivalric lays of the 
** Minnesingers," at the same time that the old heroic songs of 
the people were consolidated into the great German epic styled 
the Niebelungenlied. 

A stimulus was also given at this time to the growth of city 
life in Germany. At the beginning of the tenth century there 
was little German commerce ; but gradually fairs and markets 
were founded at favored places, trade arose, and centers of 
population sprang up, especially in the Ehine and Danube 
valleys. Thus localities formerly inhabited only by peasants 
were transformed into towns, with walls and ramparts, weekly 
markets, guilds and other associations, and some rights and 
privileges against their feudal lords. The continued struggle 
of lay and ecclesiastical powers, together with the Crusades, 
helped on their development. Strassburg, on the middle Rhine, 
whose original constitution is considered to be the earliest 
municipal code of Germany, may be taken as a type of the 
most important German towns of the twelfth century. The 
population was probably less than ten thousand. The houses 
were of timber, with thatched roofs, and without chimneys, 
which were rare as yet even in castles. Here and there 
churches were interspersed, but no mighty cathedral domi- 
nated the landscape. The whole of this " water-bound plexus 
of walls, moats, houses, streets, gardens, and plowed fields " 
was under the feudal rule of the bishop, to whom the citizens 
owed many services and dues. Under Frederick Barbarossa 
the towns grew in population, wealth, privileges, and power; 
but the time was not yet come when they, like the cities of 
Italy, should be practically self-governing republics. 

The last years of Frederick's reign were taken up with new 
127. Last Italian plans, with renewed quarrels with the papacy, and 
Frederick I ^^^^ ^^^^ Third Crusade. Constance, the heiress of the 
(1184-1190) Norman kingdom of Sicily and Naples, was married to 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIKE (1125-1190) 



159 



Frederick's son and successor, Henry VI. This aroused the 
fierce hostility of the papacy, for the union of southern Italy 
with Germany threatened the independence of the Papal 
States. The final conflict to which this led was deferred 
till the reign of Frederick's grandson; but even at this time 
the relations of Pope 
and Emperor were 
strained almost to 
breaking. The fall of 
Jerusalem before the 
attacks of Saladin, in 
1187, was the chief 
factor in preventing 
an open rupture. For 
the second time Fred- 
erick took the cross 
and departed for the 
East, where he died, 
as has already been 
related (§ 104). Later 
ages, looking back to 
the splendors of his 

reign, feigned to be- ^ „ t. 

, Chateau of Frederick Barbarossa at 

lieve that he was not Kaiserswerth. 

dead, and applied to A restoration. 

him the legend of another Frederick, now identified as a count 

of Thuringia: the vanished ruler, it was said, was sleeping 

through the ages in a rocky cavern of a German mountain; 

when the ravens ceased to fly about its summit, he would 

awaken and would then return to chastise evil doers and bring 

back the golden age. 




Under Frederick Barbarossa, the second of the Hohenstau- 
fen line, the mediaeval empire attained its greatest glory. In 



160 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



Germany the monarchy triumphed over the house of Welf 
and divided its feudal territories among the lesser nobles. In 
128 Sum- Italy the imperial control was for a time siiccessfully 
*^8.ry asserted ; but the strength of the confederated Lombard 

towns, and the hostility of the Popes, at length obliged the 
Emperor to renounce his rights. A marriage with the heiress 
of Sicily and Naples sowed the seeds of a new quarrel between 
papacy and empire. Frederick's reign closed with the Third 
Crusade, in which the Emperor lost his life. Other features of 
the period are the development of the civil and canon law, the 
growth of Italian and German towns, the continued expansion 
of Germany to the northeast, and the progress of German 
civilization. 

TOPICS 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



(1) On what historical grounds might the Pope claim that the 
Emperor was his vassal for the imperial crown ? (2) Why should 
the Popes oppose the development of a strong kingdom in southern 
Italy ? (3) Was a Ghibelline or Guelf policy best for Germany ? 
For Italy ? (4) Which was of more importance, the imperial 
attempts to control Italy or the quiet expansion of Germany to 
the northeast? (5) Compare the Italian communes with the New 
England towns. What powers did the former exercise that the 
latter lack ? (6) How did the study of Roman law aid monarchi- 
cal growth? Was this to be desired? (7) Had Frederick I. or 
the Italian communes the more right in their struggle ? 

(8) The Italian communes. (9) Revival of the Roman law. 
(10) The canon law. (11) Arnold of Brescia. (12) Pope Alex- 
ander III. (13) Henry the Lion. (14) Rise of the German cities. 
(15) The Niehelungenlied. (16) The Minnesingers. (17) Person- 
ality of Frederick Barbarossa. (18) Home of the Hohenstaufen 
in Grermany. (19) Reasons for the greatness of Milan. 



Geography 



Secondary- 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

Maps, pp. 64, 154 ; Putzger, Atlas, map 17 ; Freeman, Historical 
Geography, I. ch. viii. ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxv. Ixv. ; 
Dow, Atlas, xiii. 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages; 247-257 ; Bdmont 
and Monod, Medieval Europe, ch. xix. ; Henderson, Short History 



THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 



161 



of Germany, I. 70-90 ; Bryce, Holy Boman Empire, ch. xi. ; Em- 
erton, Medi(£val Euro^ye, ch. ix. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy^ 217- 
245 ; Stille, Studies in Medieval History, ol4-323 ; Henderson, 
Germany in the Middle Ages, chs. xv.-xviii. ; Thatcher and Schwill, 
Europe in the Middle Aye, ch. xvii. ; Fisher, Medieval Europe, 
I. 325-332; Balzani, Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 1-111; May, 
Democracy in Europe, I. 288-315 ; Mihnan, History of Latin 
Christianity, IV. 260-286, 427-447 ; Testa, The War of Frederick I. 
against the Communes of Italy ; Alzog, Church History, II. 547- 
563; Historians' History of the World, XIV. 89-109. 

Robinson, Readings, I. 302-306 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source Sources 
Book, nos. 98-110, 301-314 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle 
Ages, 211-219, 336-;337, 410-418, 420-425. 

E. Cornelia Knight, Sir Guy de Lusignan ; C. T. Brady, Hohen 
zollern. 



Illustrative 
works 




A Medieval Fair. (Depicted by Parmentier.) 



CHAPTER X. 

END OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE 01190-1268) 

Henry VI., son of Frederick I., proved as ambitious and ener- 
getic as his father. He secured possession of his wife's Italian 

inheritance and united it to Germany. A rising of the 

129. Henry *^ 

VI. (1190- Welf faction was overcome, largely through the fortunate 

^^^'^^ accident which put into his power Richard I. of England, 

the ally of the Welfs (§ 105). He proposed to the German 
princes that they should declare the throne hereditary, in 
return for concessions to them, and almost gained their con- 
sent. Finally he planned a crusade which was expected to 
put the whole Latin East under his control, and make him 
overlord of the Greek Empire. Had he lived, he might for 
a time have established a world monarchy which would have 
realized the dreams of the Middle Ages ; but he died of fever 
in 1197, on the eve of his departure for the East, leaving as 
heir a son (Frederick of Sicily) only three years of age. 

All Germany, after Henry's death, " was like a sea lashed 
by every wind." The partisans of the Hohenstaufen chose 
Henry's brother, Philip of Swabia, as king ; but the opposing 
party selected Otto IV. of Brunswick, a^on of Henry the Lion. 
Ten years of civil warfare followed, in which the advantage 
rested now with one party, now with the other. 

During the division within the empire the papacy grew in 
power. Innocent III. (1198-1216) was in many respects the 

130. Inno- ablest and most powerful Pope of the Middle Ages. He 
theVm i^e^ firmly established the Papal States in Italy ; and had as 
(1198-1216) vassal kingdoms under him Sicily and Naples, Sweden, 

Denmark, Portugal, Aragon, and Poland. Even the king of 

162 



END OF THE HOHENSTAUEEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 163 

England (John) was forced to surrender his kingdom into the 

hands of the Pope's legate, and receive it back as a fief of 

the papacy (§ 166). The papal suzerainty over the empire, 

which Frederick Barbarossa so vigorously denied, was again 

asserted, and Innocent claimed the right to decide the dispute 

which had arisen over the last imperial election. His decision 

was that Philip was unworthy as "an obstinate perse- Milman, 

cutor of the church, and the representative of a hostile ^'f^^^^} Chns- 
^ ^ tianity, IV. 

house " ; while Otto, though chosen by a minority, was 5io-5i4 

"himself devoted to the church, of a race devoted to the church 
. . . : him, therefore, we proclaim, acknowledge as king ; him 
then we summon to take on himself the imperial crown." 
Otto, in return, confirmed in their widest extent the posses- 
sions and privileges claimed by the Roman Church. 

After Philip's murder by a private enemy (1208), Otto was 
for a time universally recognized, and was crowned Emperor. 
Soon he laid claim to unwarranted rights in Italy, and defied 
the Pope's excommunication. In Germany a diet of princes 
declared him deposed; and at their invitation, and with the 
aid of Innocent III., Frederick of Sicily (son of Henry YL), 
now seventeen years old, crossed the Alps to claim the German 
throne as Frederick II. About him gathered all the old parti- 
sans of the house of Hohenstaufen, and with them acted Philip 
Augustus of France, who had his own interests to further. 
Otto similarly was supported with men and money from his 
uncle, John of England. The decisive battle took place at 
Bouvines, in northern France, in July, 1214. The issue in- 
volved not merely the possession of the imperial crown, but 
the French occupation of Normandy and other English fiefs in 
France, and the cause of English liberty against the tyranny 
of King John (§ 166) ; thus the day of Bouvines has well been 
called "the greatest single day in the history of the Middle 
Ages." It ended in victory for France and the partisans of 
Frederick II., to whom passed the German and imperial crowns. 
Harding's m. & m. hist. — 10 



164 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

Frederick II. was already beginning to show the qualities 
which won for him the name "the wonder of the world." 

131. Acces- From contact with his Greek and Saracen subjects in 
^^^•^kll^^^' Sicily he gained a culture unknown in the North; but 
(1214) he also developed a toleration, if not indifference, in 

religion, and a looseness of personal morality, which gave his 
enemies openings for attack. He was an impassioned poet, a 
profound lawgiver, and a subtle politician ; the spirit which he 
displayed indeed was more modern than mediaeval. 

Frederick was reared as a ward of Innocent III., to whom he 
had been committed by his mother Constance ; but the intimate 
relations thus established did not prevent a desperate strug- 
gle between papacy and empire. Before his coronation by the 
Pope in 1220, he solemnly swore to abolish all laws prejudicial 
to the liberties of the church, to cede Sicily to his son Henry 
to be held as a fief of the Holy See and not of the empire, to 
restore to the papacy the inheritance of the Conntess Matilda, 
and to undertake a new crusade. These promises were broken 
almost as soon as made. 

For a time Frederick could urge the pressure of German 
and Italian affairs as excuse for delaying his crusade. In 

132. Fred- 1227 he assembled an army and embarked, but turned 
erick II. back because (as he alleged) of a pestilence which broke 
papacy out on shipboard. Pope Gregory IX. refused to listen to 
,1225-1239) ]^^g excuses, and excommunicated him. In June of the 

next year, Frederick again set sail, without receiving the papal 
absolution, and reached the Holy Land; but there the Pope 
put every obstacle in his way, on the ground that he was an 
excommunicated person. 

Taking advantage of a civil war which broke out among 
the successors of Saladin, Frederick negotiated a treaty which 
secured to the Christians a truce for ten years with the pos- 
session of Jerusalem. This politic move, though bitterly 
denounced by the partisans of the Pope, secured greater advan- 



END OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 165 

tages than had been won by forty years of blind, unreasoning 
warfare. But when Frederick, still excommunicated, placed 
the crown of Jerusalem upon his head, the patriarch of 
Jerusalem issued an interdict forbidding all religions services 
in the holy places. After his return to Italy Frederick made 
peace with the Pope (1230) ; but in 1239 the struggle was 
renewed and was again extended to the Holy Land ; and the 
hostility between the papal party and Frederick's agents was 
partly responsible for the final loss of Jerusalem in 1244 (§ 110). 
The interval between 1230 and 1239 was used by Freder- 
ick II. to carry through a remarkable series of reforms which 
made Sicily for a time the strongest and best governed 133. policy 

kingdom in Europe. In judicial matters the kind's ofFred- 

erick II, 
courts were put above the feudal and ecclesiastical tribu- (1230-1240) 

nals. The nobles and clergy, along with the townsmen, were 
subjected to taxation. Unauthorized castles, the right of 
private warfare, trials by ordeal, and serfdom on the royal 
domains were abolished. Education was fostered by establish- 
ing the University of Naples, and favor was shown to trade 
and industry. Of these measures an English historian Milman 

says, "The world had seen no court so splendid, no Latin Chris- 

p -, . . T, , tianitij, V. 

system of laws so majestically equitable ; a new order 393 

of things appeared to be arising, an epoch to be commencing 

in human civilization.'' 

For some years the crusade and these reforms kept Frederick 
south of the Alps, while his eldest son Henry, who in 1220 had 
been elected "king of the Eomans" (i.e. German king elect), 
ruled Germany in his father's name. In 1234 the young king 
rebelled against his father, and Frederick went to Germany, 
where the rising was easily put down; thenceforth Henry's 
younger brother Conrad takes his' place in the succession. 

Frederick's attention throughout his reign was given more 
to his Italian possessions than to the North, and the policy 
which he pursued in Germany was directly opposed to that 



166 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

embodied in his Sicilian reforms. In Germany, as a result 

of necessity, he '^ threw to the winds every national and 

monarchical tradition," and granted privileges to the nobles 

and great churchmen by which they became truly "lords" 

of their lands, possessed of all rights and jurisdictions. On 

the other hand, Frederick gave large privileges to the towns, 

seeking in them a support against the papacy and rebellious 

nobles. The net result of his policy was the enfeeblement of 

all central authority : Germany more and more ceased to be a 

state, such as England and France were becoming, and grew 

into a confederation of sovereign principalities. 

Frederick's Sicilian reforms made him, in the eyes of the 

Pope, an oppressor of the clergy; his immoral private life 

,^, _ increased the friction with the church: the toleration 

134. Re- ' 

newed which he showed his Mohammedan subjects, and his 

^^^th^tti^ use of them as troops in his wars, caused him to be 
papacy suspected as a heretic; and his retention of Sicily and 

^ Naples, along with Germany and northern Italy, enabled 
him to hem in the Papal States both on the north and on the 
south. These causes for conflict led in 1239 to an open rupture 
with the Pope ; and there began the last stage of the fatal 
struggle of papacy and empire, which brought political ruin 
to both powers. Gregory IX. renewed his excommunication, 
and absolved Frederick's subjects from their allegiance. Both 
Pope and Emperor appealed to Europe in letters of impas- 
sioned denunciation. Gregory called a church council to be 
held at Rome, but Frederick prevented its assembling by 
capturing the fleet carrying most of its members. Gregory 
died in 1241, and two years later one of Frederick's friends 
(Innocent IV.) was elected Pope. On hearing the news the 
Emperor is said to have exclaimed, " I have lost a good friend, 
for no Pope can be a Ghibelline." Innocent vigorously com 
tinned the policy of his predecessor. At this time came 
a horde of Mongols from Asia, who overran Poland and 



ENB OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 167 

Hungary, threatened Germany, and established a power in 
Russia (1240) which lasted for two hundred and forty years. 
In 1244 came the final downfall of the kingdom of Jerusalem. 
In spite of these disasters to Christendom, the struggle be- 
tween papacy and empire continued as fiercely as ever. At a 
church council held at Lyons in 1245, Frederick was pro- 
nounced guilty of perjury, heresy, and sacrilege ; he was de- 
clared deposed, and war against the Hohenstaufen was turned 
into a crusade, with the same spiritual rewards as for warring 
against the Saracens. 

In Germany, Frederick's enemies stirred up a revolt, and 
elected an anti-king, but his son Conrad managed to hold many 
of the nobles and most of the cities true to their al- 135. Defeat 

lesriance. In Italy, Frederick maintained himself with ^^^ death 
^ -^ ' . of Fred- 

success, though Guelfs and Ghibellines fought each erick II. 

other with furious hate on every hand. But after a time (1241-1250) 

misfortunes came upon him. His camp was captured; then 

his favorite son Enzio was taken captive and imprisoned. 

Frederick's cause was even yet far from hopeless when, in 

December, 1250, he was attacked by a disease from which, 

after a short illness, he died. An English writer of that time 

called him " the greatest prince of the world" ; but his powers 

were lost on an age not ripe for them. 

After Frederick's death his reforms were overthrown, and 

his empire crumbled away in the hands of his successors. His 

son Conrad IV. (1250-1254) was obliged to abandon Ger- 136. Fall of 

many to secure his inheritance in Italy; and for twenty ® ° ®^' 

years Germany was given up to the anarchy of the (1250-1268) 

Great Interregnum, during which robber barons ruled by " the 

law of the fist," and no king was universally recognized. 

In Italy, Conrad maintained himself until his death in 1254. 

A half-brother, Manfred, then continued the struggle until he 

fell in battle at Benevento in 1266. There still remained Con- 

radin (" Little Conrad "), the fifteen-year-old son of Conrad IV., 



168 



AGE OF THE CRtJSADES 



about whom centered the last desperate resistance of the 
Hohenstaufen party. To secure aid in the struggle, the Pope 

offered the kingdom 



ti£Hem^, 



m 




^^^ 



;KJ\?.oi>.^s F^'"^' 



Charles of Anjou ixn !..- i ; ^ :. l^^i an. {_ iiowN 
OF THE Two Sicilies by a Bull given by 
THE Pope (Clement IV.). 



of Sicily to an Eng- 
lish prince; then, in 
1265, he concluded 
a treaty by which 
Charles of Anjou, 
brother of the French 
king, was to have 
the Sicilian crown. 
In 1268, Charles met 
and defeated the lit- 
tle army which Con- 
radin brought into 
Italy ; and when the 
young king fell into 
the hands of his en- 
emy, he was cruelly 
beheaded. In his per- 
son perished the last 
member of the im- 
perial house of Ho- 
henstaufen. 



Fresco pictured in VioUet-le-Duc. 

" From whatever point we may view it," says a French 
historian, "the death of Frederick II. and the fall of the 
Lavisse and house of Hohenstaufen mark the end of one epoch and 
H^'Jio-rT^' *^^ beginning of another. The Middle Age proper, in 
G^n&rale, the form which it had worn since the days of Charle- 
magne, was now ^t an end. This is as true in the history 
of thought and the arts as it is in political history. In the 
course of the long struggle between church and empire, a 
new society had been formed, with different features and a 
spirit that was wanting to the old. From Charlemagne to 



//. 231 



END OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 169 

Frederick II. the papacy and the empire occupy the first place 
in the history of the time ; but now the papacy had crushed 
the empire." The old ideal of two powers divinely commis- 
sioned to rule the world in conjunction — the ideal expressed 
in the figures of the "two swords," and of the "two lights," 
— the sun and the moon — was now abandoned. The papacy 
itself for a time sought to be the supreme head in temporal 
affairs as well as in spiritual, and this ideal conception was 
soon embodied in the person of a Pope (Boniface VIII.) who 
arrayed himself in the papal tiara and the imperial robe, j^,, ^ jj^i^ 
and exclaimed, " I am Caesar — I am Emperor ! " But, Roman Em- 
though the empire had fallen, the national monarchies ^^^^' 
of Europe were just arising ; and with Philip IV. of France, the 
head of the most formidable of these, the papacy soon came 
into disastrous collision. 



The brilliancy of the Hohenstaufen Empire was continued 
in the short reign of Henry VI. (1190-1197) ; then followed 
a struggle for the crown, which ended in the triumph of 137. sum- 
his son Frederick 11. (1214-1250). The first sixteen years ^^^y 

of his reign saw a new contest with the papacy, which centered 
in Frederick's crusade. Following this came, in Sicily and 
Naples, a series of important reforms which strengthened the 
royal power, while in Germany concessions were made to the 
princes which materially increased their power and weakened 
the crown. The last ten years of the reign were occupied 
with a new struggle with the papacy. After Frederick's death 
the Pope refused to recognize any of the Hohenstaufen house, 
and the struggle was continued by Conrad IV., Manfred, and 
finally by Conradin. The aid of a French prince, Charles of 
Anjou, enabled the Pope to overthrow the last of the Hohen- 
staufen family. Charles of Anjou secured the kingdom of 
Sicily and Naples ; but Germany, during the Great Interreg- 
num (1254-1273), was practically without a king. The papacy 



170 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



was left victorious over the empire, which never recovered 
the importance it had possessed under the Hohenstaufen rule. 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



TOPICS 

(1) Compare the papal power under Innocent III. with that 
under Gregory VII. (2) Why should Frederick's treaty with the 
Mohammedans in the Holy Land of itself arouse opposition ? 
(3) How do his measures in Sicily show him to liave been ahead 
of his time ? (4) Was the enfeeblement oi the central authority 
in Germany good or bad for that land ? (5) Why was the opposi- 
tion of the Popes to Frederick II. greater than to Frederick I. ? 
(6) Was the continuance of the papal warfare against Frederick's 
descendants after his death warranted? (7) State in your own 
language the significance of the overthrow of the Hohenstaufen. 

(8) Treatment of Richard I. of England by Henry VI. 
(9) Character and aims of Innocent III. (10) Character of 
Frederick II. (11) Crusade of Frederick II. (12) Reforms of 
Frederick II. in Sicily. (13) Development of Germany in his 
reign. (14) Account of a battle in the time of Frederick II. 
(15) Frederick's use of Saracen mercenaries. 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



lEustrative 
works 



REFERENCES 

Maps, pp. 64, 112 ; Freeman, Historical Geography^ I. oh. viii. ; 
Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxv. Ixvi. ; Dow, Atlas, xiii. 

Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, ch. x. ; Henderson, Short History 
of Germany, I. 90-101 ; B^mont and Monod, Medieval Europe, 
ch. XX. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 305-335, 358-393, 478-492 ; 
Duruy, History of the Middle Ages, 252-259 ; Henderson, Germany 
in the Middle Ages, chs. xix.-xxvi. ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe 
in the Middle Age, ch. xiii. ; Balzani, Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
113-256 ; Alzog, Church History, II. §§ 220-222 ; Freeman, His- 
torical Essays, First Series, 283-313 ; Milnian, History of Latin 
Christianity, bk. ix. chs. i.-iii., bk. x. chs. i. iii.-v. ; Historians'^ 
History of the World, IX. 85-98, XIV. 110-131. 

Robinson, Beadings, I. 307-309 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
Book, nos. 130-145 ; Henderson, Documents, 337-344 ; University 
of Pennsylvania, Translations and Beprints, IV. No. 4, III. No. 6. 

Eobert Barr, The Countess Tekla, — The Strong Arm ; F. von 
Hardenberg, Henry of Ofterdingen ; G. P. R. Adams, The Castle 
of Ehrenstein ; E. L. Hamilton, The Lord of the Dark Bed 
Star. 



CHAPTEK XI. 

LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL CASTLE, VILLAGE, AND TOWN 

In the Middle Ages almost every defensible hilltop and river 

island was occupied by the frowning castle of some feudal 

lord. At first the castle was a mere inclosure defended ,„« _, 

138. The 

by ditch and palisade, with a sort of wooden blockhouse feudal 

on a natural or artificial mound at the center, reached by ^^^ ^ 

a wooden bridge over a second ditch or moat. The ease with 
which such defenses could be destroyed by fire led, in the 
eleventh century, to the building of castles of stone ; and the 
engineering skill of the Normans, together with the experience 
gained in the Crusades, made these structures intricate and 
complex. The chateau of Arques, built in Normandy, about 
1040, by the uncle of William the Conqueror, is a type of the 
early stone castle. It was built upon a hilltop ; was defended 
by a palisade, ditch, and two drawbridges with outer works ; 
and was surrounded by a thick " bailey " wall, with battle- 
ments, strengthened by strong towers placed at intervals. 
Entrance was gained through a narrow vaulted gateway, placed 
between two towers and defended by doors and " portclillises," 
or iron gratings descending from above. The inclosure was 
divided into an " outer ward " and an " inner ward " ; it con- 
tained separate buildings for stables, kitchen, and the like, and 
was large enough to shelter the surrounding population in time 
of war. At the extremity of the inner ward stood the " don- 
jon," or "keep," the most important part of every castle. 

The donjon was often the residence of the feudal lord, 
though its gloom and cold usually led to the erection of a 
separate " hall " within the inclosure for residence in time of 

171 



172 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



peace. The donjon of Arques was a triumph of complicated 
defenses, consisting of enormous walls eight to ten feet thick, 
with winding passageways and stairs- concealed in them, and 

cunningly devised pit- 
falls to trap the unwary. 
Here the last defense 
was made ; and in case 
of defeat the position of 
the keep at one end 
of the inclosure aided 
escape through a pos- 
tern gate directly op- 
posite the entrance. 

Of more elaborate 
type than the chateau 
of Arques was the Cha- 
teau Gaillard (Saucy 
Castle), erected on the 
borders of Normandy 
by Richard the Lion- 
Hearted as a defense 
against Philip Augus- 
tus of France. 

Hurling engines, 
movable towers, and 
battering rams were of 
little avail against such 
formidable castles, and until the introduction of gunpowder 
they were usually taken only by treachery, surprise, starvation, 
or undermining the walls. As the power of the kings in- 
creased, especially in France and England, the right of the 
nobles to erect castles was rigidly restricted ; luxury, too, came 
in, and gradually the castle lost its character of a fortress and 
became merely a lordly dwelling place. 




Chateau of Arques. 
Restoration of Viollet-le-Duc. 



LIFE IN THE MEDIJEVAL CASTLE 173 

The training of the feudal noble, like his habitation, was all 
for war ; but the church gave to it a religious consecration, 
and Chivalry, or the ideals and usages of knighthood, was 139, (j^iv- 
the result. In his earlier years the young noble was left ^'^^y 

to the care of his mother ; at about the age of seven he was sent to 
the castle of his father's lord, or to that of some famous knight, 
and his training for knighthood began. With other lads he 
served his lord and mistress as page, waited at table, and 
attended them when they rode forth to the chase ; from them 
he learned lessons of honor and bravery, of love and courtesy ; 
above all he learned how to ride and handle a horse. When 
he was a well-grown lad of fourteen or fifteen, he became a 
squire. He now looked after the grooming and shoeing of his 
lord's horses, and saw that his lord's arms were kept bright and 
free from rust. In war the squire accompanied the lord, carried 
his shield and lance, assisted in arming him for the battle, 
and stayed watchfully at hand to aid him in case of need. 

When he reached the age of twenty or twenty-one, and had 
proved his courage and military skill, the squire was made a 
knight. The ceremony was often quite elaborate. First came 
a bath — the mark of purification. Then the candidate put on 
garments of red, white, and black — red for the blood he must 
shed in defense of the church, white to image the purity of his 
mind, and black as a reminder of death. All night before the 
altar of the church he watched his arms, with fasting and 
prayer ; with the morning came confession, the holy mass, and 
a sermon on the proud duties of a knight. The actual knight- 
ing usually took place in the courtyard of the castle, in the 
presence of a numerous company of knights and ladies. The 
armor and sword were fastened on by friends and relatives ; 
and the lord gave tlie " accolade " with a blow of his fist up- 
on the young man's neck, or by touching him with the flat of 
his sword on the shoulder, saying: "In the name of God, and 
Saint Michael, and Saint George, I dub thee knight ! Be 



174 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



brave and loyal ! " Then followed exhibitions of skill by the 
new-made knight, feasting, and presents. The details of the 
ceremony varied in different times and places. It must also be 
said that, in practice, chivalry was too often only a "picturesque 
mimicry of high sentiment, of heroism, of love and courtesy, 
Green Short before which all depth and reality of nobleness . dis- 
appeared to make room for the coarsest profligacy, the 
caste spirit, and a brutal indifference to 
human suffering.'^ 
The thick walls and narrow windows of the feudal castle 
made its apartments cold and dark in winter and close in 
summer, and life 



History of 

the English 

People, narrowest 

ch. iv. § 3 



140. Daily 
life of the 
nobles 




was spent as 

much as possible 
in the open air. War, 
tournaments, and the 
chase were the chief 
outdoor amusements. 
Falconry — the flying 
of trained hawks at 
small game — became 
a complicated science, 
with many technical 
terms, and was prac- 
ticed with zest by 
ladies and lords alike ; 
but the chase, with 
hounds, of deer, wild 

boars, and bears, was Falconry. 

the more exciting From a German manuscript of the 13th century- 
sport. Within doors ^^ ^^® Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 

the chief amusements were chess, checkers, backgammon, and 
similar employments. 

The great hall, whether within the donjon or in a separate 



LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL CASTLE 175 

building, was the center of this life. About the great fire- 
place, master, mistress, children, and dependents gathered to 
play games, listen to tales of travel and adventure from chance 
visitors, and carry on household occupations. While the boys 
were trained to be knights, the girls learned to spin, sew, and 
embroider, to care for wounds, and to direct a household ; like 
their brothers, they were often sent away from home for a time, 
and as maids of honor to some noble lady received the finish- 
ing touches of their education. 

The furniture of the castles was substantial but scanty. 
Embroidered tapestries hung amid the weapons on the walls, 
and skins were placed underfoot for the sake of warmth. 
Chairs and benches, tables, chests, and wardrobes stood 
about the hall, and perhaps also the great corded bedstead 
of the master and mistress, with its canopy, curtains, and 
feather bed; but often these occupied a separate chamber. 
The men servants and attendants slept on the floor of the great 
hall. 

The meals were served in the hall, on easily removable 
trestle tables, and all except those actively engaged at the 
time took their places at the board according to rank. ... _ , 
The viands were brought, in covered dishes, across the of the 

court from the kitchen, which was a separate building. ^° ®° 

Jugs and vessels of curious shapes, often in imitation of 
animals, were scattered about the table. Before each person 
was placed a knife and spoon, and a drinking cup, often of 
wood or horn. Forks were unknown until the end of the 
thirteenth century, and food was eaten from a common dish 
with the fingers. Before and after each meal, pages brought 
basins of water with towels for washing the hands. There 
were no napkins ; and pieces of bread, or the tablecloth, were 
used for cleansing the fingers during the meal. Dinner, served 
at midday, was announced by the blowing of horns ; it was a 
long and substantial repast, consisting often of as many as ten 



176 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

or twelve courses, mostly meats and game. Dressed deer, pigs, 
and other animals were roasted whole on spits before an open 
fire. Roast swans, peacocks, and boars' heads are frequently 
mentioned in medieeval writings ; pasties of venison and other 
game were common; and on festal occasions live birds were 
sometimes placed in a pie to be released " when the pie was 
opened," and hunted down with falcons in the hall at the 
close of the feast. Wine was drunk in great quantities. Pep- 
per, cloves, ginger, and other spices were used by the wealthy 
in both food and drink, even the wines being peppered and 
honeyed. Coffee, tea, and of course all the native products 
of America (tobacco, Indian corn, potatoes, etc.) were unknown. 
Costumes varied with time and place, as also did armor (see 
§ 39). Long pointed shoes, called pignaces, were invented 
142 Cos- ^y ^ count of Anjou to hide the deformity of his feet, 
tume of the and within a short time the style spread over Europe. 
Dress of the Carolingian pattern was used until the 
end of the eleventh century, when it was displaced by long 
garments imitated from those worn by the Byzantines ; these 
were abandoned in the thirteenth century for other fashions. 

The secrets of dyeing were long in the hands of the Jews ; 
but in the thirteenth century the Italians learned the art, 
and the dyers then formed one of the most important guilds 
in Florence and other cities. Many dyestuffs were introduced 
into the West at the time of the Crusades ; but cochineal, which 
gives a brilliant red, was not known until the discovery of Mex- 
ico, and the aniline dyes now largely used date from recent 
years. It is not too much to say that the most brilliantly 
tinted garments of the Middle Ages were poor and dull in hue 
compared with those now within reach of the poorest person. 
Writers of the Middle Ages said that God had created three 
143. Life of classes — priests to pray, knights to defend society, and 
the peasants peasants whose duty it was to till the soil and support 
by their labor the other classes. The peasants were divided 



LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 177 

into serfs and villeins. (1) The serfs were personally imfree, 
i.e. they were " bound to the soil," and owed many special obli- 
gations to their lord ; but, unlike slaves, they possessed plots 
of land which they tilled, and could not be sold off the estate. 
(2) The villeins were personally free, and were exempt from 
the most grievous burdens of the serf; but they too owed 
their lords many menial services and dues for their land, which 
took the form of money payments, and gifts of eggs, poultry, 
and the young of their flocks. The grinding of the peasants' 
meal, baking of their bread, pressing of their wine, oil, and 
cider, all had to be done with the lord's mill, oven, and press ; 
and for the use of these, heavy fees were charged. The ser- 
vices consisted chiefly in cultivating the "demesne," or that 
part of the estate which was kept in the lord's own hand, and 
from which he drew the profits; two or three days' work a 
week, with extra work at harvest and other times of need, was 
the usual amount exacted. In course of time the services were 
precisely fixed or commuted for money payments. 

The peasants dwelt in villages, often at the foot of the hill 
on which stood the lord's manor house or castle. Near by was 
the parish church, with an open space in front and a graveyard 
attached. The peasants' houses usually consisted of but one 
room, and were flimsy structures of wood, or of wattled sticks 
plastered with mud, and were thatched with straw. There 
were few windows, no floors, and no chimneys ; the door was 
often made in two parts so that the upper portion could be 
opened to permit the smoke to escape. The cattle were 
housed under the same roof with the family. The streets 
were unpaved, and were often impassable with filth. About 
each house was a small, ill-tended garden. 

The lands from which the villagers drew their living lay 
about the village in several great unfenced or "open" fields, 
normally three. Besides these, there were "common" lands 
to which each villager sent a certain number of cattle or sheep 



178 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



for pasturage ; and the lord's woodland and wastCj to whicli they 
went for fuel, and in which they might turn a limited number 
of pigs to feed on the mast (acorns and nuts). The rights of 
hunting and fishing belonged 
to the lord, and were jealously 
guarded. 

The time not taken up with 

labors on the lord's demesne was 

used by the peasant in till- 

aeval agri- ing his own small holding, 

culture ^^ ^YiQ open fields about the 

village. A full villein holding 
' usually consisted of about thirty 
acres, scattered in long narrow 
strips in the different fields, in- 
termixed with the holdings of 
other tenants. The origin of 
this curious arrangement of in- 
termixed holdings in open fields 
has never been satisfactorily ex- 
plained ; but it existed over the 
greater part of western Europe, ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ p.^j^ 

and lasted far down into modern of Burton-Agnes, Yorkshire, Eng- 
™, TPj, . ^ . land, in Ta.Y^oi''s Domesday Stiidies. 

times. The different strips were ^.j^^ ^^aded strips, about one tenth 
separated from one another by of the whole, were the parson's 
" balks " of unplowed turf. The '^^''' """ ^^^^^^ 
plows were clumsy wooden affairs, which penetrated little 
below the surface. They were drawn by teams of from four 
to eight oxen ; but the cattle of the Middle Ages were smaller 
than those produced by scientific breeding to-day. 

A rude rotation of crops was practiced to avoid exhausting 
the soil. All the strips in a given field were planted with 
a winter grain (wheat) one year, the next year with a spring 
grain (oats), and the third year were plowed and lay fallow; 




Plan of a Village with 
Open Fields. 



LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 179 

thus one third of the land was always resting. Under thia 
primitive system of agriculture the yield was far less than 
now : in England, at the close of the thirteenth century, wheat 
yielded as low as six bushels an acre, and nine or ten bushels 
was probably a full average crop. 




Peasants and Plow. 
From a 13th century manuscript. 

Bee keeping was more usual than in modern times, not only 
for the honey, which was used instead of sugar for almost all 
purposes of sweetening, but also for the wax needed to make 
the tall candles in the churches and the seals used on official 
documents. Every great estate, or " manor " as it was called 
in England, was self-supporting to a surprising extent. Ale 
was home-brewed ; wool was spun and cloth woven in the 
household ; and the village tanner, blacksmith, and carpenter 
performed the services beyond the powers of the household 
circle. For salt, and the rare articles that the village did not 
itself produce, the people of the manor resorted to periodical 
markets and fairs in neighboring towns. 

The labor of the peasant was incessant, his food, clothing, 
and habitation of the rudest and poorest. He was ignorant 
and superstitious, and his oppression made him sullen. He 
was the butt for the wit of the noble classes and the courtly 
poets, and the name " villain '' (villein) has been handed down 
by them to us as the synonym for all that is base. 
Harding's m. & m. hist. — 11 



180 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

The early history of the towns of Italy and Germany has 
already been traced (§§ 117, 126); those of France — which 
145. Towns ^^^J ^® taken as typical of the life of the Middle Ages — 
in France arose in similar manner. There, as elsewhere, the 
barbarian invasions, together with the rise of feudalism, over- 
. threw the old Roman municipalities and reduced the popula- 
tion to serfdom. In the eleventh century movements began 
which restored personal freedom to the populations of the 
towns, and gave them more or less of the rights of self-govern- 
ment; and in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries charters were 
purchased from the feudal lords, or extorted by successful war. 
The privileges set forth in these ranged from mere safeguards 
against oppression at the hands of the lord's officials, who still 
composed the only municipal government, to grants of adminis- 
trative and judicial independence with a government chosen by 
the citizens. 

For example, the charter granted the little town of Lorris, in 
central France, was of the former class. It provided (1) that 
no townsman should pay more than a small quitrent for 
his house and each acre of land, and should pay no toll on 
grain and wine of his own production, nor on his purchases at 
the Wednesday market ; (2) that he should not be obliged to 
go to war for his lord unless he could return the same day; 
(3) that he should not be forced to go outside the town for the 
trial of his lawsuits, and that various abuses connected with 
the courts should be reformed ; (4) that none should be re- 
quired to work for the lord of the town, except to bring wood 
to his kitchen, and to take his wine twice a year to Orleans, 
and then only those who had horses and carts, and after due 
notice ; (5) that no charge should be made for the use of the 
oven, nor for watch-rate, nor for the public crier at marriages, 
and that the dead wood in the forest might be taken by the 
men of Lorris for their own use ; (6) that whoever wished 
might sell his property and freely depart, and that any 



LITE IN THE MEDLEVAL TOWN 181 

stranger who remained a year and a day without being claimed 
by his lord, should be free. This charter proved so popular 
that it was copied, in whole or in part, by eighty-three other 
towns ; it was profitable alike to the little towns that received 
it, and to the lords who granted it. 

Towns which secured the right to elect their officers and 
govern themselves are called "communes"; legally they were 
" artificial persons," or corporations, and entered into the ^ 
feudal structure both as vassals and as suzerains. They mune ^ov- 
were ruled either by a mayor and eclievins (aldermen), or ernmcnvs 
by a board of " consuls," like the Italian communes, without a 
mayor. The outward signs of a commune were the possession 
of a corporate seal ; of a belfry, which served as watch 
tower, depot of archives, and magazine of arms ; and of stocks 
and pillory for the punishment of offenders. Its charter was 
usually the culmination of a long series of disagreements, 
usurpations, and bloody insurrections ; and frequent payments 
to lord and overlord were necessary to preserve its hard-won 
liberties. 

From the twelfth century on, the towns grew in size and 
importance ; and many enlightened lords (including the king) 
founded " new towns " to enrich their domains, offering reason- 
able liberties to attract settlers. These hardy townsmen 
formed the chief part of the class called the Third Estate, or 
commons, which gradually took its place in the political affairs 
of the kingdom alongside the " estates " of the Clergy and the 
Nobles. In the rise of the Third Estate lay the seeds of a 
whole series of revolutions, which were destined to shake feudal 
society from top to bottom, and cause its final destruction. 

Mediaeval towns were usually surrounded by walls defended 
by battlements and towers, while outside lay the settlements 
{G?i\\Qdi fmihourgs) of the unprivileged inhabitants. In ^47 Lifein 
the belfry, watch was kept day and night : its warning *^® towns 
bell announced the approach of enemies ; sounded the alarm 



182 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



of fire, the summons to court and to council, and the hours for 
beginning and quitting work ; and rang the *' curfew " (couvre 
feu) at night, which was the signal to extinguish lights and cover 
fires. The streets were narrow and unpaved, and slops were 

emptied from second- 
story windows — 
sometimes even on 
the head of royalty 
passing by. Exten- 
sive gardens belong- 
ing to convents and 
hospitals caused the 
streets to twist and 
turn, and presented 
rare glim pses of green 
amid the wilderness 
of pointed roofs. 

In the thirteenth 
century the wealthier 
citizens began to erect 
comfortable houses ; 
but the ground-floor front was usually taken up by an arched 
window-opening in which the merchant displayed his wares, 
while in the rear were carried on the manufactures of the shop. 
The shopkeepers grouped themselves by trades : here was the 
street of tanners, there that of the goldsmiths, elsewhere the 
drapers, cement makers, parchment makers, and money 
changers. Churches, of which great numbers were built in 
the thirteenth century, rose above the shops and houses, which 
pressed up to their very walls; in towns which were the 
seats of bishops, giant cathedrals of Gothic architecture 
towered above everything else. The business quarters, with 
their open booths and stalls placed in the streets, resembled 
bazaars, through which pedestrians could with difficulty 




Belfry of Bruges. 
Built from 1291 to about 1390 ; 352 feet high. 



LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL TOWN 183 

thread their way ; horses and carts were obliged to seek less 
crowded thoroughfares. At mealtime, business ceased, and 
booths were closed ; when curfew sounded, the streets became 
silent and deserted — save for the watch, making their ap- 
pointed rounds, and the adventurous few whom necessity or 
pleasure led to brave the dangers of the unlighted streets. 

Even in the twelfth century the chief occupation of the 
citizens was still agriculture ; but industry and commerce de- 
veloped rapidly under the protection afforded by town 
walls and charters, and the growing power of the king. try and 

Industries were carried on entirely by hand labor ; there ^^^ ^ 

were scarcely any machines other than the tools employed by 
workmen from times immemorial. Each trade was organized 
into a guild, which laid down rules for carrying it on, and had 
the power to inspect and to confiscate inferior products. The 
guildsmen were divided into three classes : apprentices, who 
served from three to thirteen years, and paid considerable 
sums for their instruction; workmen ("journeymen"), who 
had finished their apprenticeship and received wages ; and 
masters, who had risen in the trade and had become employers. 

Apprentices and workmen were lodged and fed with the 
master's family above the shop ; and it was easy for a frugal 
workman to save enough to set up as a master in his turn : 
under these conditions antagonism between capital and labor 
did not exist. The guilds had religious and benevolent fea- 
tures also ; each maintained a common fund, made up of fines 
assessed against members, which was used for feasting, for 
masses, for the relief of the sick and burial of dead members. 
Guilds formed of members pursuing a trade, such as weaving 
or dyeing, were called craft guilds ; older, richer, and more in- 
fluential in developing the liberties of the towns, were the 
merchant guilds, the members of which engaged in commerce. 

After the Germanic invasions, commerce had almost ceased ; 
there was little demand for foreign wares or costly articles of 




Longitude • 



184 




30 Gi*eenwifh 



185 



186 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 

luxury, and tlie roads were too insecure to make the trans 
portation of goods profitable. Under the early feudal regime, 
where downright robbery was not practiced, the lords 
seval com- exacted ruinous tolls at every bridge, market, and high- 
"^®^°® way. It was only after the Crusades had stimulated 

enterprise and created new tastes that commerce played an 
important part in mediaeval life. The Italian towns, from 
their central position in the Mediterranean, were the first to 
feel this quickening impulse; and Amalfi, Pisa, Genoa, and 
Venice became important commercial centers. Venice, whose 
trade was originally confined to salt and fish, the products of 
its waters, developed a vast commerce in the spices, perfumes, 
sugar, silks, and other goods which came from the East by way 
of the Persian Gulf or Red Sea. In the fourteenth century it 
possessed a merchant marine of three thousand vessels, and 
each year sent large fleets through the Strait of Gibraltar to 
Flanders and the English Channel. Land routes led over the 
Brenner and Julier passes of the Alps to the upper Danube and 
the Rhine, there joining the Danube route from Constantinople 
and the Black Sea, and enriching with their trade Augsburg. 
Eatisbon, Ulm, Nuremberg, and a host of towns on the 
Rhine. From Genoa a much-traveled route led through 
France by way of the river Rhone. The great northern mar- 
ket for all this commerce was Bruges, where products of the 
south and east were exchanged for the furs, amber, fish, and 
woolen cloths of the north : merchants from seventeen king- 
doms had settled homes there, and strangers journeyed thither 
from all parts of the known world. In the fifteenth century 
Antwerp wrested from Bruges this preeminence, largely as a 
result of the untrammeled freedom to trade which it granted. 
Great fairs, held periodically in certain places, under the 
150 c license of the king or of some great lord, who profited by 

mercial or- the fees paid him, were a necessity in a time when 
gamza on ordinary villages were entirely without shops, and mer~ 



LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL TOWN 187 

chants, even in cities and towns, carried only a limited vari- 
ety and quantity of goods. Examples of such fairs were 
Smithtield (just outside of London) and Stourbridge in Eng- 
land ; Beaucaire and Troyes in France ; Frankfort-on-the-Main 
and Leipzig in Germany. Thither, during the times at which 
they were held, went merchants and traders from all over 
Europe ; and thither, too, resorted the people for miles around 
to lay in their yearly stock of necessaries or to sell the products 
of their industry. 

In the Middle Ages merchants traded, not as individuals, or 
as subjects of a state which protected their interests abroad, 
but as members (1) of the merchant guild of their town, which 
often secured special rights and exclusive privileges in other 
towns and countries ; or (2) of some commercial company, like 
that of the Bardi and later the Medici of Florence; or (3) of 
some great confederacy of towns like the Hanseatic League 
of northern Germany. 

The Hanseatic League gradually arose from the union of 
German merchants abroad and German towns at home, and was 
completely formed by the thirteenth century; its objects I5i. Han- 
were common defense, security of traffic by land and seatic 
, League 
sea, settlement of disputes between members, and the (1200-1450) 

acquisition and maintenance of trading privileges in foreign 
countries. The chief articles of commerce were herring and 
other salt fish, which were consumed in enormous quantities 
all over Europe, owing to the rules of the church, which forbade 
the eating of meat on Fridays and for the forty days during 
Lent ; other articles of trade were timber, pitch, furs, amber, and 
grain. At its greatest extent, the league included more than 
ninety cities of the Baltic and North Sea regions, both sea- 
ports and inland towns. Llibeck on the Baltic was the capital 
of the league, where its congresses were held and records kept. 
Hamburg, Bremen, Cologne, Danzig, and Wisby (on the island 
of Gothland) were important members; and warehouses and 



188 AGE OlP THE CUUSADES 

trading stations, with extensive privileges, were maintained at 
Novgorod in Russia, Bergen in Norway, Bruges in Flanders, 
and London in England. 

In the fourteenth century the league was drawn into a series 
of wars with Denmark, and became a great political confedera- 
tion, with frequent assemblies, a federal tax, and a federal 
navy and military forces. After 1450 came a period of decay, 
due to the rise of foreign competition in trade, the revival of 
Denmark, the consolidation of the power of the German 
princes, and an unexplained shifting of the herring " schools '' 
from the Baltic to more distant feeding grounds ; but its final 
downfall does not come until the Thirty Years' War, in the 
seventeenth century. It is difficult to overestimate the part 
played in northern Europe by this civic league in promoting 
trade, suppressing piracy and robbery, training the people to 
orderly life and liberty, and spreading comforts and conven- 
iences in half-barbarous lands. 

Europe of the Middle Ages differed greatly from the 'Europe 

of to-day. In many regions there was nothing but forest, 

152. Gen- swamp, and moor, where now are smiling fields and popu- 

acter of the ^^us cities. The population on the whole was much less 

Middle Ages than now: England, which in 1901 had over 30,000,000 

inhabitants, had in 1086 only about 2,150,000. The great 

growth of population, however, has been chiefly in towns and 

modern manufacturing districts, and not in the open country, 

which in many places was as thickly settled in the Middle 

Ages as in modern times. 

Local overpopulation was one cause of frequent famines, 
when weeds and the bark of trees were gnawed for food, and 
depraved beings ate human flesh. There were no great accu- 
mulations of wealth ; heavy goods could be transported only 
short distances by land on account of the miserable roads; 
and when crops failed, the surplus of distant provinces could 
not be brought to relieve distress. 



LIFE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 189 

The standard of comfort on the whole, even after the intro- 
duction of some luxuries from the East, was surprisingly low. 
The manner of living, even among the higher classes, was 
filthy and unsanitary. Floors were covered with rushes, 
among which bones from the table and other refuse were 
dropped, to be covered with new layers of rushes ; and so on, 
until at length the whole decaying mass would be cleaned out. 
The death rate, especially among young children, was very 
high. In spite of all the glamour of chivalry and romance, the 
Middle Ages, on its material side, must have been a dreary 
time in which to live. 

Intellectually it was a time of ignorance and superstition. 

Comets were regarded as signs of coming disaster; when one 

appeared "refulgent, with a hairy crown," it foretold* the Roger of 

death of a king, while one with " long locks of hair \i.e. a Hovedeyi, 

. . . . Chronicle, 

tail], which as it scintillates it spreads abroad," fore- yearned 

told the ruin of a nation. " The invisible world . . . Lea, Inqui- 
with its mysterious attraction and horrible fascination ^iddleAges, 
was ever present and real to every one. Demons were al- L. eo 

ways around him, to smite him with sickness, to ruin his pitiful 
little cornfield [i.e. wheat field] or vineyard, or to lure his soul 
to perdition; while angels and saints were similarly ready to 
help him, to listen to his invocations, and to intercede for him 
at the throne of mercy, which he dared not address directly." 
It was an age of startling contrasts, when the sordidness of its 
daily life might be relieved with splendid exhibitions of lofty 
enthusiasm or darkened with hideous deeds of brutality. On 
the one hand it was, as Bishop Stubbs says, " the age of chiv- 
alry, of ideal heroism, of picturesque castles and glorious 
churches and pageants, camps, and tournaments, lovely charity 
and gallant self-sacrifice " ; on the other, it was clouded with 
dark shadows of " dynastic faction, bloody conquest, grievous 
misgovernance, local tyrannies, plagues and famines unhelped 
and unaverted, hollowness of pomp, disease, and desolation." 



190 



AGE OF THE CRUSADES 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Pictures 



TOPICS 

(1) 111 the picture of the chateau of Arques, point out the 
drawbridges, moat, bailey wall, outer ward, inner ward, and 
donjon. (2) Was the life of a knight more or less desirable than 
that of a wealthy man of to-day ? (3) Compare the life of the 
farmer to-day with that of the mediaeval peasant. (4) Compare 
the workingman to-day with the guild artisan. (5) Why did 
towns desire a charter? 

(6) The training of a knight. (7) The life of a boy or girl in a 
mediseval village. (8) The same in a mediaeval town. (9) Medi- 
aeval system of agriculture. (10) Great fairs of the Middle Ages. 
(11) The struggles of some town in France, such as Laon, Cam- 
bray, or Beauvais, to secure self-government. (12) The craft 
guilds. (13) The merchant guild. (14) Commerce of Venice in 
the Middle Ages. (15) The Hanseatic League. (16) Mediseval 
hunting. 

REFERENCES 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, ch. xii. ; Emerton, 
Medimval Europe, ch. xv. ; B^mont and Monod, Medieval Europe, 
375-390, 483-485 ; Henderson, Short History of Germany, I. ch. v, ; 
Duruy, Middle Ages, ch. xxiii. ; Henderson, Germany in the Middle 
Ages, 415-426 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 3Iiddle Age, 
chs. xvi, xxii. ; Lodge, Close of the Middle Ages, ch. xviii. ; Stills, 
Studies in Medieval History, chs. xiv. xv. ; Cutts, Scenes and Char- 
acters of the Middle Ages, chs. iv. vi. viii. ; Lacroix, Manners, 
Customs, and Dress during the Middle Ages, 56-104, 248-300, — 
Military and Beligious Life, 136-172 ; Gautier, Chivalry, chs. 
vi.-viii. xii.-xvi. ; Cornish, Chivalry, chs. ii.-v. ix. x. xii.-xiv. ; 
Rowbotham, Troubadours and Courts of Love, chs. i. vii. x. xi. xv. 
xvi. ; Gibbins, History of Commerce, bk. ii. ; Andrews, Old English 
Manor, chs. v. vi. ; Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, ch. ii. 

Robinson, Readings, L chs. xviii. xix. ; Thatcher and McNeal, 
Source Book, nos. 289-293, 320-325 ; Jones, Civilization in the 
Middle Ages, Nos. 8, 9 ; University of Penn.sylvania, Translations 
and Reprints, II. No. 1 ; Guizot, History of Civilization (Bohn), 
III. 312-315, 317-322, 392-474 ; Aucassin and Nicolete (Mosher's 
ed.) ; Mallory, Morte d'* Arthur. 

Parmentier, Album Historique, I. II. ; Stacke, Deutsche Geschichte 
(2 vols.) ; Lacroix, Ai'ts in the Middle Ages, — Manners, Customs, 
and Dress during the MiddAe Ages, — Military and Religioiis Life 
in the Middle Ages, — Science and Literature in the Middle Ages. 



CHAPTER XII. 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 

With the fall of the mediaeval empire, interest shifts to the 
national states, of which England was one of the first to arise. 
Britain, like all the West, formed part of the Roman , 

Empire, and was overrun by Germanic tribes (Angles, Heptarchy 
Saxons, and Jutes) after the year 449 : in the course " 

of two centuries they completely conquered the eastern and 
southern parts of the island, to which was given the name 
England (Angle-land). The Celtic Britons were killed, en- 
slaved, or driven into the mountains, and the institutions 
of the German invaders were reproduced with sca^rcely any 
mixture of British or Roman elements. Even the Christian 
religion disappeared, along with the Latin tongue and the 
Roman-British civilization. 

Near the close of the sixth century, Christianity was re- 
introduced — in the south by missionaries sent direct from 
Rome (597), and in the north by Celtic (Irish) missionaries 
from the island of lona (off the western coast of Scotland). 
At the synod of Whitby (664), Roman Christianity, with its 
recognition of the papal headship, triumphed over the loosely 
organized and semi-independent Celtic Church; and the eccle- 
siastic unity thus established helped to pave the way for the 
union of all England under one king. 

In the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries there were at 
least seven different kingdoms of the English; namely, 
those of the West Saxons, South Saxons, East Saxons, East 
Anglians (North Folk and South Folk), Mercians (or Middle 

191 



ENGLAND ^ 

in 878 
After the Treaty of Wedmore 




ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 193 

Angles), Northumbrians, and the men of Kent: the names 
of most of these peoples are still preserved in the county- 
names of the regions where they ruled (Sussex, Essex, Nor- 
folk, etc.). In the seventh century the kings of Northumbria 
acquired a vague supremacy over the other kingdoms. In the 
eighth this passed to the kings of Mercia. At the beginning 
of the ninth century it was won by Egbert, king of Wessex 
(802-839), from whom in one line the present sovereign of 
England traces descent. 

In the year 787 " Danes," or Northmen, began to harry Eng- 
land. As on the Continent, they first came merely to plunder ; 
but soon after 850 they began to form settlements, jg^ inva- 
The reign of Alfred the Great (871-901) is the most sions of the 
remarkable in this period of England's history. He 
came to the throne at a time when the Danes were overrun- 
ning all Wessex. "Nine general battles," says a chroni- Anglo- 
cler, " were fought this year (871) south of the Thames." chronicle 
After seven years of struggle Alfred defeated the Danes year 87i 
and forced them to accept the treaty of Wedmore, by which 
they were baptized as Christians, and received the land north 
of the Thames ; the name " Danelaw " was given to this region 
because there the Danish, and not the Saxon, law was in 
force. 

Alfred then reorganized his kingdom, remodeled the army, 
and erected strong earth-walled fortresses. He was fond of 
learning, and took steps to provide for the education of his 
people. He himself translated a number of works from the 
Latin into the Anglo-Saxon tongue, and gave orders for the 
compilation of the great Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 

In the latter part of Alfred's reign the war with the Danes 
began anew. Under his son and his three grandsons, who 
ruled one after another, the Danelaw was reconquered and 
again joined with the rest of England ; but a large admixture 
of Danish blood continued in the north of England, leaving 



194 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



its marks in the place names and in the rude freedom of its 
inhabitants. 

The most prosperous reign of the Anglo-Saxon period was 

that of Edgar (959-975), who was ably assisted in the govern- 

An lo- ^^^* ^^ Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, the first 

Saxon of a long line of ecclesiastical statesmen. Over the 

government a gj^ipeg^'J or counties, power was exercised by "ealdor- 

men," who corresponded to the counts of the Carolingian 

empire. There was the same tendency as on the Continent 




King and Wit an. 
From the Cotton MS. 

for the local rulers to acquire independent authority and force 
the free peasant into serfdom ; but the popular assemblies in 
the shires and " hundreds'' (as the division next smaller 
than the shire was called) kept alive the practice of self- 
government, and acted as a check on the power of the 
"thegns,'' or lords. Over all was the "Witan," or council 
of wise men; these chose the king from the royal family, 
and assisted him in the work of legislation and administration. 
The modes of trial in Anglo-Saxon England seem strange to 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 195 

US, but were common to all Germanic peoples. Compurgation 
was a usual form ; in this, the person accused swore to his 
innocence and produced a number of compurgators ("oath 
helpers "), who swore that they believed his oath to be " clean 
and without guile." In serious cases the ordeal was used; 
this was an appeal to the judgment of God. In the ordeal by 
hot iron the accused had to carry a piece of red-hot iron for a 
certain distance in his bare hand; in the ordeal by hot water 
he had to thrust his hand into a kettle of boiling water. In 
either case the hand was then bandaged and sealed up for 
three days; if the wound healed properly, the person was 
declared innocent. In the cold water ordeal the accused was 
thrown into a stream of water, with hands and feet tied to 
geth^ ; if he floated, he was guilty ; but if he sank he was 
innocent and was to be rescued. 

Edgar's son Ethelred — called the "Redeless," or "Unready" 
(which means "lacking counsel") — ruled from 979 to 1016. 
He was rash, short-sighted, and weak, and in his reign i^q Danish 
there was great disorder and suffering. The invasions conquest 
of the Danes were renewed, and Ethelred bought them decay 

off with money payments. At home the Northmen now (977-1042) 
formed the three kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Den- 
mark ; thenceforth the invaders came as armies for the purpose 
of conquest. The Danish residents in England sympathized 
with their brethren ; the great ealdormen, too, fell to treachery 
and quarreling among themselves. The result was that Sweyn 
(Swegen, or Svend), king of Denmark, conquered the whole of 
England, and Ethelred was obliged, in 1013, to take refuge 
with his brother-in-law, the duke of Normandy. The next 
year Sweyn died suddenly, and Ethelred was restored, only 
to die in 1016. 

After a brief struggle, Canute (1016-1035), the son of Sweyn, 
was accepted as king by all the English people. Already he 
was king of Denmark, and in 1028 he made himself king of 



196 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

Norway. In England he ruled as an English king. The great 
ealdormen, who from this time are known as "earls," were 
kept in order with a strong hand, and peace and prosperity 
were enjoyed by English and Danes alike. While on a pil- 
grimage to Rome, Canute wrote to his English subjects : " 1 
Florence of have vowed to God to lead a right life in all things, to 
^hronfT^ rule justly and piously my realms and my subjects, and 
year 1031 to administer just judgment to all. If heretofore I have 
done aught beyond what is just, through headiness or negli- 
gence of youth, I am ready with God's help to amend it 
utterly." 

Canute's sons, Harold and Hardicanute, ruled after him 
for seven years. Upon the extinction of the Danish line, the 

157. Ed- Witan chose as king the son of Ethelred, who was called 

ward the Edward "the Confessor" (1042-1066), on account of his 

Confessor ^ ^' 

(1042-1066) piety. He proved but a feeble ruler. He had been 

reared at the Norman court, where ways of life were less rude 
than in England ; and the favor which he showed to Normans 
and Frenchmen angered his English subjects. The chief 
events of his reign centered in the quarrels of the great earls, 
who openly rebelled. Godwin, earl of Wessex, was the most 
powerful of these ; after his death his office passed to his son 
Harold, who proved himself the most capable man of the 
kingdom. When Edward died without children, in 1066, 
Harold was chosen king by tlie Witan; but William, the 
duke of Normandy, put forth a claim to the throne and pre- 
pared an invading army. 

William the Conqueror, as he is known in history, was the 
sixth duke of Normandy in descent from Rolf. He was only 

158. The seven years of age when his father died on a pilgrimage 
Norman ^^ Palestine, and the minority of the young duke was 
(1066) one long struggle against his Norman barons. With 

the aid of the French king, William crushed his enemies 
(1047), and then built up a military power which made Nor- 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 



197 



maiidy one of the strongest governments of Europe. Already- 
Norman adventurers were winning by their swords a kingdom 
in Sicily and southern Italy (§ 52) ; and when Duke William 
looked abroad for a similar field of conquest, he found it in 
England. 

He secured a promise from Edward the Confessor (his 
father's cousin) that he should succeed to the throne of 
England ; and circumstances enabled him to obtain from Earl 




Death of Hakold. 
From the Bayeux Tapestry. Harold is the second figure from the left. 

Harold an oath not to dispute his claim. When Harold was 
chosen king, William protested; and bearing a banner conse- 
crated by the Pope, he landed on the south coast of England in 
September, 1066. Harold had been called to the north to repel 
an invasion by the king of Norway, and returned too late to 
prevent the landing. The earls of the northern counties treach- 
erously refused him aid, and Harold was forced to meet the 
Normans with only his own troops. The battle took place on 
the ridge later called Senlac, near the town of Hastings. 

The strength of the English consisted in their mailed foot- 
men armed with the battle-ax, while that of the Normans lay 
in their archers and mounted men-at-arms; two different 



198 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

modes of warfare were thus contending, as well as two peoples 
and two civilizations. For a long time the issue was in doubt. 
To draw the English from their strong position, William or- 
dered a portion of his troops to pretend to flee ; this ruse was 
partly successful, but still the " shield wall " of Harold's guard 
held firm. At last an arrow struck Harold in the eye, piercing 
to the brain, and after this disaster the English were forced 
from the field (October, 1066). 

This battle decided the possession of the English crown, and 
gave England a line of rulers which has lasted to this day. 
159. Nor- William was formally chosen king, and within a few 
manorgani- jj^onths was in tranquil possession of the whole kingdom. 
(1066-1087) There were revolts of the native English and also of Nor- 
man barons (feudal lords), who rebelled against the iron rule 
of the Conqueror ; but these were put down with terrible cru- 
elty. In the main, the customs and laws of the English were 
respected, but the property of those who fought against Wil- 
liam at Hastings was treated as forfeited, and either granted 
to new holders or confirmed to the old ones on the payment of 
a heavy fine. 

In either event the tenure established was a feudal one, con- 
ditioned on the performance of military service, with all the 
" feudal incidents " of relief, aids, wardship, and marriage 
rights. Feudalism as a system (§§ 31-41) was thus intro- 
duced fullgrown into England ; but William took pains to see 
that in England it should not become the menace to the crown 
that it was in France. An oath of allegiance to the king, 
taking precedence of all ties to feudal lords, was demanded 
from all freemen (1086), and the old Anglo-Saxon national 
militia, as well as the old popular assemblies, were continued 
as a check on the power of the lords or barons. It also 
happened that the lands granted his Norman followers, how- 
ever extensive they might be, were widely scattered, and 
not in compact blocks, as they were in France. Thus it was 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 199 

made more difficult than in France for a vassal to gather men 
to make war upon his king. 

In order that he might know the resources of the realm, 
William caused an inquest of the lands, their holders, and their 
value to be made throughout England, the results being set down 
in what is known as Domesday Book. " So very narrowly did 
he cause the survey to be made," says the Anglo-Saxon Anglo- 

Chronicle, " that there was not a single hide nor a rood of ^, Saxon 
land, nor — it is shameful to relate that which he thought year loss 



no shame to do — was there an ox, or a cow, or a pig 
by." The value to the historian of this minute record, which 
is still in existence, may easily be imagined. William was a 
stern and a just king, but he was little loved. 

When William died, in the year 1087, primogeniture, or the 
right of the eldest son to succeed the father, was not an estab- 
lished custom. Robert, his oldest son, secured Normandy, 160. Nor- 
but England passed to William Rufus, the second son. ^^^ ^^^sk>n 
This William II. proved a harsh, wicked man, and was (1087-1154) 
hated by all. After thirteen years of rule his body was found 
in the New Forest (near Southampton), with an arrow piercing 
the heart ; whether he was slain by accident or by design no 
man can tell. 

William II. left no children, and Henry I. (1100-1135), the 
third son of the Conqueror, secured the throne. This was for- 
tunate for England, as he was a strong ruler who knew how to 
keep the turbulent barons in check. To conciliate his subjects, 
he issued at his coronation a charter of liberties, which became 
the model for the Great Charter of King John (§ 167). The 
troubles stirred up by his brother, Robert of Normandy, ended 
with Robert's defeat and capture (1106). Normandy was then 
annexed once more to the English crown, with which it re- 
mained united for nearly a hundred years. The title " Lion 
of Justice," given to Henry, marks his activity in the j^,.s, Chron- 
punishment of crime. " He made peace," says the chroni- ^^^^* ^^^^ 



200 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

cler, "for men and deer; whoso bare his burden of gold and 
silver, no man durst say to him aught but good." 

The just government established by Henry I. died with him. 
His nephew, Stephen of Blois (son of the crusader, § 97), who 
secured the government after him, lacked firmness and good 
judgment, and the difficulties of his position were increased 
by the repeated efforts of Henry's daughter, Matilda, to win 
the crown. Civil war and anarchy followed, and lawless 
Anglo- castles filled the land. The nobles "greatly oppressed 

fv^^^^- ^^® wretched people by making them work at their 

year 1137 castles, and when the castles were finished they filled 
them with devils and evil men. Then they took those whom 
they suspected to have any goods, by night and by day, seizing 
both men and women, and they put them in prison for their 
gold and silver, and tortured them with pains unspeakable, 
for never were any martyrs tormented as these were. . . . 
This state of affairs lasted the nineteen years that Stephen 
was king, and ever grew worse and worse. . . . Then was corn 
[i.e. wheat] dear, and flesh, and cheese and butter, for there 
was none in the land; — wretched men starved with hunger; 
some lived on alms who had been erewhile rich ; some fled 
the country. Never was there more misery, and never acted 
heathens worse than these." 

The struggle for the crown ended with a treaty by which 

Stephen recognized Matilda's son, Henry of Anjou, as his suc- 

161 Reien ^^^^^^- "^^^ ^^^^ Y^^^ Stephen died, and Henry II., the 

of Henry II. first of the Angevin or Plantagenet kings, came to the 

^ ~ ' throne. The early kings of this house were Henry II. 

(1154-1189), Richard I. (1189-1199), John (1199-1216), Henry 

III. (1216-1272), Edward I. (1272-1307), Edward II. (1307- 

1327), and Edward III. (1327-1377). 

In right of his father, Henry II. was count of Anjou (in 
France) ; in right of his mother, he received Normandy and 
England ; by marriage with Eleanor, heiress of Aquitaine, he 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 



201 




Miter, Chasuble, and Stole of 
Thomas a Becket. 

Preserved in the Cathedral of Sens, France. 



added that broad land to 
his dominions (map, p. 228). 
He was a strong king, 
tireless in the transaction 
of business, with a genius 
for organization. The 
abuses of Stephen's reign 
were speedily remedied, 
and peace and good order 
restored. His attempt to 
bring the clergy under the 
jurisdiction of royal courts 
brought him into conflict 
with the archbishop of 
Canterbury, Thomas a Becket; and hasty words let fall by the 

king led four of his ser- 
vants to murder the arch- 
bishop. By the people 
Becket was venerated as 
a martyr; and to secure 
absolution from the Pope, 
Henry was obliged to 
forego some rights of juris- 
diction which he claimed 
over " criminous clerks." 

England's conquest of 
Ireland began in this 
reign. In metal i62. Hen- 
work, in sculpture, ry'swars 
and in the illumination of 
manuscripts the Irish had 
attained a degree of cul- 
ture then unsurpassed ; 
but in political develop- 





mi 



^^ 




Cross at AloNAMi^.KiiHi^ fc>, Ireland. 

Erected in 9th or 10th century. Part of the 

carving represents scriptural scenes. 

HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 12 



202 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

ment they lagged behind. Ireland was still in the tribal stage, 
and tribe warred with tribe, chief with chief. In such circum- 
stances it Avas inevitable tliat the Norman barons of England 
should intervene. The complete subjugation of the island was 
not effected until long afterward; but from this reign the 
fortunes of Ireland were linked with those of its eastern 
neighbor. 

Henry II.'s possessions in France led him into almost con- 
stant warfare with the French king. In 1173 the kings of 
France and Scotland assisted the baronS and the king's oldest 
son (Henry) to rebel; but the rebellion was put down, and 
the king of the Scots taken prisoner. News of the fall of 
Jerusalem, in 1187, led Henry II. to take the cross; but 
preparations for the crusade were interrupted by a new war 
with the French king, Philip Augustus, who aided the rebel- 
lion of Henry's son, E-ichard — now through the death of his 
elder brother the heir to the throne. The English king was 
defeated and forced to make peace ; and at the head of the 
list of those allied against him, he read the name of his young- 
est son, John, whom he had supposed faithful. Already sick 
and worn out, Henry II. died three days later. He was a hard, 
stern man, with the fierce Angevin temper, and was little 
loved ; but the value of his work can not be overestimated. 

The most important feature of Henry II.'s reign was his 
judicial, military, and financial reforms. The Exchequer, or 
163. Hen- financial department of the government, was definitely 
ry's reforms organized. The old English militia w^as revived by a 
law called the Assize of Arms, and every man was obliged 
to provide himself with arms according to his means. The 
practice was introduced of excusing feudal tenants from 
military service on payment of a sum called *' scutage " : the 
money thus obtained was used to hire mercenary troops, who 
were better and more reliable soldiers ; at the same time the 
new plan reduced the military strength of the feudal nobles. 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 203 

The judicial reforms of Henry II. consisted chiefly in the 
establishment of itinerant justices and the introduction of trial 
and presentment juries. The justices itinerant went on 
circuit, bringing the king's justice into different parts of 
England; the settlement of many important cases was thus 
made easier, speedier, and more certain. A form of jury trial 
was introduced in civil causes to take the place of trial by 
compurgation and trial by battle. The latter was brought into 
England about the time of the ISTorman conquest; in it the 
plaintiff and defendant fought with arms before the judges, 
and God was supposed to make manifest the just cause by 
enabling its champion to triumph. 

In trial by jury the decision was given in the name of the 
community by those who had the best knowledge of the facts, 
and the result no longer rested upon superstition, acci- 164. xriai 
dent, or superior force. Centuries passed, however, ^yj^ry 

before jury trial reached the developed form of to-day. Trial 
by ordeal was used a little longer in criminal cases, but after 
1219 trial by jury was introduced here also. Henry II. also 
made an important improvement in the means provided for the 
accusation of criminals. It often happened that a man was 
too powerful for an individual to dare accuse him ; to remedy 
this, the jury of presentment, which later became the grand 
jury, was introduced to bring an accusation against suspected 
persons in the name of the community as a whole. 

The trial and presentment juries greatly improved the 
administration of justice; but more important than this was 
their indirect influence. By participating in the administra- 
tion of justice. Englishmen were trained in a knowledge of the 
law and in the exercise of the rights of self-government. 
Jurors acted not merely in judicial, but in administrative, mat- 
ters, as representatives of their communities ; and when once 
the principle of representation was fixed in local government, 
it became easy to introduce it into central affairs. Thus the 



204 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

juries introduced by Henry II. became, under his successors, 
the taproot of parliamentary representation. 

Richard I., Coeur de Lion (the Lion-Hearted), was a good 
warrior, but a poor ruler. Most of his reign was devoted to 

,/»r T>. -u the Third Crusade and to the defense of his Continental 

165. Rich- 
ard I. possessions ; for these purposes, and for his ransom 

^ ' when taken captive while returning from the Holy Land 

(§ 105), England was oppressively taxed. Only seven months 

of the ten years of his reign were passed in England ; but the 

administrative officers trained by Henry II. kept the country 

orderly and peaceful. Richard died of an arrow wound while 

on a characteristic mission, warring to secure a treasure found 

by one of his vassals in Aquitaine. 

The Great Council of England chose Richard's brother John 

king after him, in preference to Arthur, the son of an elder 

166. John brother Geoffrey. John had been an un dutiful son and 
(1199-1216) "brother; he now proved the worst king that England 

ever had. His misconduct in Aquitaine led his barons there 
to appeal to King Philip against him, and when he refused to 
appear, his French iiefs were declared forfeited. Soon after, 
John secured possession of his young nephew, Arthur, and 
basely put him to death. This made it easier for Philip to 
enforce the sentence of forfeiture ; and by the close of 1206 all 
the English possessions in France were lost, except Aquitaine. 
John was next involved in a quarrel with Pope Innocent III., 
and for nearly five years England lay under an interdict, all ordi- 
nary church services being prohibited. To prevent his deposi- 
tion, John at last made his peace with the Pope, agreeing to hold 
his kingdom as a papal fief and pay an annual tribute. He 
then hastened to France with such forces as he could raise to 
regain his lost possessions ; but at Bouvines, in 1214, his ally. 
Otto IV. of Germany, was overwhelmingly defeated (§ 130), and 
John returned discredited to England. The loss of these Con- 
tinental possessions was on the whole fortunate for England ; it 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 



205 



practically completed the process, which had long been going on, 
whereby the barons ceased to be Normans and became English. 
All classes were aroused by John's misgovernment ; and 
during his absence a meeting was held at which it was agreed 
to take up arms unless he granted a charter of liberties, 
similar to that of Henry I. John sought to evade the • Great Char- 
demand ; but the whole nation — nobles, clergy, and ®^ ^ ' 
townsmen — united in it; and finally, in June, 1215, "in the 
meadow called Runny mede," on the river Thames, John put 

Portion of Magna Charta. 

his signature to the Great Charter {Magna Charta). The 
demands of the barons were no selfish exaction of privileges 
for themselves; they secured the rights of all. Many of the 
provisions of the charter were of a temporary nature, remedy- 
ing immediate grievances, but others were permanent in their 
importance. Among the latter are the following : — 

" No free man shall be taken or imprisoned or dispossessed, 
or outlawed, or banished, or in any way destroyed, nor 
will we go upon him, nor send upon him, except by the Charta, 
legal judgment of his peers or by the law of the land. ^^^^' ^^ 

" To no one will we sell, to no one will we deny, or delay, 
right or justice." 

When he signed the Great Charter, John had no intention of 
abiding by it^ and within three months he was again at open 



206 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

war with his barons. The latter planned to accept the son of 
the French king as sovereign; but in 1216 John died, leaving 
a son, Henry III., nine years of age. The Great Charter now 
received the first of many confirmations, and peace was rapidly 
restored. 

During the first sixteen years of Henry III.'s reign, officers 
trained in the methods of Henry II. directed affairs, and good 
order and prosperity followed. For twenty-six years the 
III. (1216- king was then under the influence of personal favorites, 
^ — greedy foreigners for the most part, — or carried on 

the government without ministers. In either case, misrule 
was the result; heavy taxes were laid to enrich his favorites 
and carry on useless wars in France, and clergy and people 
groaned under the exactions of papal legates. In 1258 the 
barons rose in rebellion under Earl Simon de Montfort, and 
brought this state of affairs to an end. The government was 
then under their control for seven years, until in 1265 the 
king's eldest son Edward escaped from the captivity in which 
he was held and raised an army. At Evesham he met and 
defeated the forces of Earl Simon, the latter being among the 
slain. Although himself of foreign birth, Montfort was a con- 
sistent advocate of English liberty, and did much to favor the 
growth of Parliament. After 1265 Henry III. was freed from 
the control of the barons, but only to pass under that of his 
strong and able son, Edward, till the king's death in 1272. 

Edward I. is the first king since the Norman conquest of 

whom it can be said that he was " every inch an Englishman." 

169 Ed- "^^ ^^^ ^^^ father's personal virtues without his vices as 

ward I. a ruler ; he was the greatest of the Plantagenet kings. 

He sought to unite under one rule the whole of the British 

Isles, and to accomplish this he waged war against the Welsh, 

until in 1284 that country was annexed to England; soon 

after arose the usage by which the title " Prince of Wales " 

is usually borne by the heir to the English throne. Edward 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 207 

also intervened in Scotland and secured the recognition of 
his overlordship ; disputes, however, followed, and Edward was 
several times forced to lead an army thither; and after his 
death Scotland regained its independence (formally admitted 
in 1328). The chief result of Edward's aggressions was to 
throw the Scots into alliance with France, and postpone until 
the eighteenth century the constitutional union of the two 
British kingdoms. 

More important than Edward's military exploits were his 
constitutional measures. Parliament assumed under him the 
form which it was to bear into modern times. The roots i>jq Rise of 
of this institution lay deep in the past: the idea of Parliament 
representation in local affairs was older than the Norman con- 
quest ; and under the Normans, especially in the juries of 
Henry II., it received a wide extension. The first introduc- 
tion of representatives into the Great Council (the feudalized 
successor to the Anglo-Saxon Witan, § 155) was in 1213, when 
" four discreet men " of each county were ordered to be chosen 
to meet with the barons. In 1265 Simon de Montfort added 
borough or town representatives. In 1295 Edward summoned 
the Model Parliament, which contained the barons, together 
with representatives of counties and towns on a larger scale 
than before. After this time, elected representatives of the 
people were regularly summoned, along with the nobles and 
higher clergy, and the Great Council becomes the English 
Parliament. In the next century the representatives of towns 
and counties united to form the House of Commons, while the 
barons, including the bishops and abbots, formed the House of 
Lords. Parliament was thus divided into two houses, and its 
external structure was complete; but the development of its 
powers was only beginning. 

Edward I. was also active in reforming and systematizing 
the English laws. The thirteenth century was above all things 
the age of the lawyer and legislator, and in this field Edward's 



208 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



work may well challenge comparison with that of Frederick II. 
of Sicily, and Louis IX. and Philip IV. of France. 

Edward II. proved an unworthy son of his great father ; he 
was frivolous and unprincipled, and utterly incapable of carry- 
ing on the work begun by Edward I. He angered the great 
barons by the favor which he showed to unfit companions ; 
and after many disturbances he was forced to abdicate (1327), 
and was then murdered in prison. 

Edward III., son of Edward II., showed the energy and 

capacity of his grandfather. The beginning of the Hundred 

Years' War with France (ch. xiv.) is the most important 

ward III. event of his reign ; but constitutional progress was not 

(1327-1377) ar^.gste(i^ Since the days of Henry III., the English had 

resented the exactions of the papacy, and the fact that the 

Popes now resided at 
Avignon (§ 187), on what 
was practically French 
soil, increased the ill feel- 
ing. Two great statutes 
were enacted against the 
papacy in this reign — ■ 
the one forbidding papal 
appointments to ecclesi- 
astical positions in Eng- 
land(Statute of Provisors), 
and the other preventing 
appeals to the pa]3al court 
(Statute of Praemunire). 

About this time John 
Wyclif, an Oxford pro- 
fessor, successfully at- 
tacked the Pope's claim 
to English tribute based on John's submission, condemned the 
temporal lordship exercised b^ the churchy and assailed the 




Wyclif's Pulpit in Lutterworth 
Church. 



ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 209 

doctrine of transubstantiation ; with the assistance of others, 
he also translated the Bible into English, and formed a body 
of "poor priests" to preach among the people. In 1382 he 
was condemned for heresy ; but cirumstances did not permit of 
further steps being taken against him, and he died peacefully 
two years later. The importance of AVyclifs teaching outlived 
his own time and the circumstances which called it forth ; he 
was the greatest of the " reformers before the Keformation," 
and the movement which he started, both in England and in 
Bohemia (whither it was transplanted), lasted in some sort 
down to the days of Luther. 



The conquest of Britain by the Angles and Saxons (449-600) 
established there a Teutonic people who have retained their 
Teutonic language and institutions to the present time. 172. sum- 
The Danish invasions made more marked their Teu- mary 

tonic character; and the Norman conquest (1066), while 
profoundly affecting English institutions by feudalizing and 
centralizing them, left almost untouched the Anglo-Saxon 
system of local self-government, and did not seriously change 
the nature of the people. Under the Angevin kings (1154- 
1399), Ireland and Wales were acquired and Normandy lost; 
in the same period a series of legal, financial, and judicial re- 
forms improved the administration and strengthened the 
crown, while the rights of the nation were secured in the 
Great Charter, wrested from King John (1215). A repre- 
sentative Parliament arose (1213-1295) and became a regular 
part of the government; and the growth of national conscious- 
ness gave rise to a movement to restrict papal taxation, ap- 
pointment, and jurisdiction in England. Long before the reign 
of Edward III. began, the Normans and English in England 
had become one people, and when the Hundred Years' War 
with France came, they were ready to support their king with 
the enthusiasm of a national spirit. 



210 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



TOPICS 

(1) What other lands suffered from the attacks of the Northmen 
or Danes at the same time with England ? (2) Was the Norman 
conquest a good or a bad thing for England ? (3) To what was due 
the anarchy under Stephen ? (4) Show on an outline map the lands 
ruled by Henry II. ; show also those lost by John. (6) What ad- 
vantages had trial by jury over the older forms of trial ? (6) What 
issues were involved in the battle of Bouvines? (7) Did Magna 
Charta grant new rights to Englishmen ? (8) How did local self- 
government prepare the way for Parliament ? 

(9) Character and work of Alfred. (10) William the Con- 
queror. (11) Reforms of Henry II. (12) Events leading up 
to Magna Charta. (13) Simon de Montfort. (14) Edward I. 
(15) Life and teachings of John Wyclif. (16) The rise of Par- 
liament. 

REFERENCES 

Maps, pp. 192, 228; Gardiner, School Atlas, maps 3-14; Poole, 
Historical Atlas, maps xvi.-xviii. ; Dow, Atlas, x. 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 339-350 ; B^mont 
and Monod, Medieval Europe, ch. xxvii. ; Thatcher and Schwill. 
Europe in the Middle Age, chs. ix. xviii. ; Duruy, Middle Ages, 
40-42, 159-164, 180-186, 341-357, 385-391 ; Stills, Studies in 
Medieval History, 189-235 ; Gardiner, Students'' History of Eng- 
land, 26-230 ; Terry, History of England, 18-349 ; Eansome, Ad- 
vanced History of England, 19-242 ; Green, History of the English 
People, L bks. i.-iii., bk. iv. chs. i.-ii. ; Historians'' History of the 
World, XVIII. 30-445 ; Freeman, William the Conqueror ; Hughes, 
Alfred the Great. 

Robinson, Readings, 1. ch. xi. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
Book, nos. 234-239 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
bk. i. ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and Reprints, 
I. No. 6, II. No. 1, III. No. 5 ; Hutton, Simon de Montfort and his 
Cause ; Kendall, Source Book of English History ; Colby, Selec- 
tions from the Sources of English History ; Adams and Stephens, 
Select Documents of English Constitutional History, 1-99. 

Shakespeare, King John; Scott, Ivanhoe ; G. A. Henty, The 
Dragon and the Raven, — WuJf the Saxon ; J. G. Edgar, Run- 
nymede and Lincoln Fair, — How T Won my Spurs; Martin 
Tupper, Stephen Langton ; Mrs. A. Payne, Glastonbury ; W. H. 
Herbert, The Wager of Battle ; Julia Corner, The King and the 
Troubadour. 



CHAPTER XIII. 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 

When Hugh Capet came to the throne of France, in 987 
(§ 51), feudal tendencies had overmastered the monarchy; and 
what is now France was a bundle of feudal fragments, 173. Devel- 
steadily growing fartlier apart in language, in law, and °the r^val 
in political feeling. It was the work of the Capetian power 

kings to reunite these fragments, to form a strong monarchy, 
and to impart national enthusiasm. As means with which to 
work they had extensive private estates in northern France, 
the support of the church and the towns, and the moral au- 
thority which attached to the office of king. The transforma- 
tion was largely effected through the extension of the royal 
domain, that is, of those, lands which were directly under the 
control of the crown. 

Under the first four Capetian kings little was accomplished ; 
but beginning with Louis VI. (1108-1137) rapid progress was 
made. By purchase, marriage, inheritance, and forfeiture, fief 
after fief was acquired, until at last the royal domain included 
almost the whole of France. To keep w^hat was gained, the 
princnple of hereditary succession to the crown was established 
against that of election (§ 51), partly tlirough the practice of 
electing the son in the father's lifetime as his associate and 
successor, but more through the fortunate fact that, unlike the 
German imperial houses, the Capetians for eleven generations 
(until 1316) never lacked a son to receive the scepter of the 
father, and that only once was a long regency necessary. 

211 



212 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

Hugh Capet (987-996), the founder of the new dynasty, was 
regarded by the barons who made him king as little more than 

174. The "first among equals," and his reign was occupied almost 
first four ^vholly with the struggle to secure his right to the crown 
(987-1108) His son Robert (996-1031) was more of a monk than a 

warrior or statesman, and left the royal power little stronger 
than at his accession. Under Henry I. (1031-1060) the do- 
main and the authority of the Capetians were reduced to the 
lowest point. His son Philip I. (1060-1108) showed active 
hostility to Normandy, as a result of the Norman conquest 
of England ; and thenceforth French kings sought to separate 
Normandy from England, and sowed dissensions in the Eng- 
lish royal family. In the latter part of Philip's reign he was 
hampered by a long quarrel with Pope Gregory VII. ; never- 
theless he began the increase of the royal domain, and pre- 
pared the way for greater extensions under his successors. 

Louis VI. (1108-1137) is styled " the Fat," but he was the 
embodiment of martial energy. His great task was to reduce 

175. Royal to order the petty nobles of the royal domain, who were 

domain re- often little better than brigands. The conditions which 

duced to ... 

order (1108- prevailed in France at this time were similar to those 

1137) which existed in England under Stephen: every lord of 

a castle robbed at will, and some tortured with fiendish cruelty 

those who fell into their hands. Twenty years of hard fighting 

was necessary before the last of these brigands was crushed; 

and in order that such evils might not again occur, every 

fortress taken was destroyed or intrusted to faithful persons. 

By this policy Louis VI. greatly increased the power of the 

crown : for the first time, the king became master of the royal 

domain, and could go from Paris to Orleans (p. 228) without 

risk of having his passage disputed by the lord of some petty 

castle. Louis VI. also taught the barons whose fiefs lay outside 

his domain that " kings have long arms," and at various times 

asserted his power in Flanders, Aquitaine, and elsewhere. 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 213 

Louis VII. (1137-1180) finished the task of securing and 
consolidating the domain, but in other respects the growth 
of the royal power was retarded in his reign. This was jiyg u^g, 
chiefly owing to two causes : (1) his participation in the fortunes 
Second Crusade (§ 102) ; and (2) the increase of the power yn (ii37_ 
of the counts of Anjou. 1180) 

The Second Crusade both directly and indirectly was the 
cause of much misfortune to France. The king's absence 
was untimely, because of discord in the kingdom ; but fortu- 
nately Louis left the government in the charge of Suger, abbot 
of the monastery of St. Denis near Paris, who was an able man, 
trained in administration under Louis VI. Suger, until his 
death in 1152, was the chief minister of the crown : as abbot, 
he reformed his monastery ; as scholar, he wrote the life of 
Louis VI. ; as statesman, in the language of one of his ^^^^j. Louis 
correspondents, he " sustained alone the burden of affairs, Vl.et Louis 
maintained the churches in peace, reformed the clergy, ' 

protected the kingdom with arms, caused virtue to flourish, 
and the authority of the laws to rule." 

Before his accession, Louis VII. had married Eleanor, heiress 
of Aquitaine, thereby adding that vast territory to the lands of 
the crown ; but her misconduct on the crusade determined him 
to procure a divorce, which she also desired. A decree was 
obtained from a council of the French clergy, declaring the 
marriage void by reason of relationship within the degrees 
prohibited by the church. This was followed almost immedi- 
ately by Eleanor's marriage to young Henry of Anjou (§ 161), 
and the great Aquitanian inheritance passed into the control 
of that house which was the deadliest rival of the Capetian 
kings. From near the mouth of the river Somme to the Pyre- 
nees, the coast was now in the hands of the prince who two 
years later ascended the English throne as Henry II. Thence- 
forth the Capetians had to fight the Plantagenets, or to give up 
all hope of further growth. 



214 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

For more than twenty years Louis VII. struggled with 

Henry II., but the task of breaking the Angevin power was 

177. Philip reserved for his son Philip II. (1180-1223). Unlike his 

Augustus antagonist Richard I. of England, Philip had little of the 
(1180-1223) . . , . , 

knight-errant in his character; he was patient and per- 
severing, a master of statecraft and of diplomacy ; he knew 
how to dissimulate, and was unscrupulous in his choice of 
Lavisse and ^^^^^^^- " H® was stern," says a contemporary, " toward 
Rantbaud, the iiobles who disobeyed him ; it pleased him to stir up 
G^n^raie, discord among them, and he loved to use in his service 
//. 365 j^gji Qf lesser rank." The chronicler Rigord gave him 

the name Augustus, "because he enlarged the boundaries of 
the state." 

Philip's part in the Third Crusade (§§ 104, 105) was a 
mere episode of his reign ; his heart was not in the work, and 
as soon as the sense of obligation would permit, he returned to 
France. The chief principle of his policy was to stir up dis- 
sensions in the English royal family and separate the Conti- 
nental possessions of that house from the island kingdom. 
During the first twenty years of his reign, the ability of 
Richard the Lion-Hearted, and a conflict with the papacy 
caused by Philip's attempt to divorce his first wife, prevented 
him from accomplishing much. The weakness and wickedness 
of King John, however, gave him his opportunity. In 1202 
the English fiefs were declared forfeited (§ 166), and castle 
after castle was taken, including the famous Chateau Gail- 
lard built by Richard to guard the Seine. All the Eng- 
lish fiefs except Aquitaine passed into Philip's hands, and 
the battle of Bouvines (1214) secured him in possession. A 
vast domain, with an extensive seaboard, thus came into the 
hands of the French king, lifting him far above the level 
of his greatest vassals. 

The development of the French towns, which was sketched 
in a preceding chapter (§ 145), went on at a rapid rate 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 



215 



towns 



under Philip Augustus. His father and grandfather, Louis 

VII. and Louis VL, were half hostile to the rising power of 

the communes: but Philip welcomed the towns as a use- ,-0 t. 

' ^ 178 Devel- 

ful all}^ against the feudal nobles. Communal independ- opment of 
ence, however, was not part of his plan; if with one 
hand he granted charters of liberties, with the other he ex- 
tended the royal supremacy. 

Paris, as the chief place of the royal domain, received a 
special treatment. In the time of Julius Caesar, Paris was 
a little cluster of huts 
on a marshy island of 
the river Seine; dur- 
ing the five hundred 
years of Eoman rule 
it grew to be a pro- 
vincial capital ; by 
making it his ordi- 
nary place of resi- 
dence, Philip Augus- 
tus caused it to become 
the first national capi- 
tal of a modern state. 
His fostering care 
increased its area, 
erected new walls, in- 
closing territory on 
both banks of the river, paved its streets to do away with 
their ill-smelling and unsanitary mudholes, and completed the 
erection of the cathedral of Notre-Dame, one of the noblest 
examples of Gothic architecture. 

In the reign of Philip Augustus was begun a movement to 
stamp out heresy in the south of France, which had im- 179. Hereti- 
portant results for civilization, for the church, and for cal sects 
the royal power. Many heretical sects had sprung up in the 




Cathedral of Notre-Dame, Paris. 



216 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

eleventh, and twelfth centuries. Some, like the Waldenses, 
founded by Peter Waldo of Lyons (about 1178), emphasized 
the need of a return to the simple life and worship of 
the Apostles. Others, like the Cathari (Manicheans), whose 
Christianity was tinged with Persian doctrines, believed in two 
coequal Gods, — one good, the other evil, — declared the mate- 
rial universe to be the creation of the evil deity, and rejected 
the existing order in church and state ; the " perfect " mem- 
bers of the sect rejected marriage, and were frankly opposed to 
the whole social organization. The Cathari were most numer- 
ous in southern France, where they Were known as Albigenses, 
from the little town of Albi, near Toulouse. 

Southern Prance, or Languedoc, at this time was so different 
from northern France in language, customs, and culture as 
almost to constitute a separate nation. There flourished 
the troubadours, the authors of the earliest poetical literature 
in the popular tongues; there, too, were to be found culture, 
luxury, and toleration such as few other European lands could 
boast. The ardent nature of the people led many to adopt 
with zeal the teachings of the Albigenses, and soon all classes 
were infected. Their enemies charged them with immoral 
practices, but the charges seem largely unfounded. 

Pope Innocent TIL declared the doctrines of the heretics to 
be ruinous to the church and subversive of society ; and after 
two peaceful missionary efforts had failed, a«id a papal 
gensian " legate had been murdered by a knight of Raymond YL, 
Crusade count of Toulouse, the Pope issued a call for an armed cru- 
sade. Philip Augustus, pleading his preoccupation with 
'' two great and terrible lions," John of England and Otto IV. 
of German}^, refused to take part; but a host of lesser lords 
from the north, among whom Simon de Montfort, father of 
the English earl (§ 168), was preeminent, gathered at the Pope's 
call. The chief direction of the crusade was given to the 
papal legate Arnold, abbot of Citeaux. 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1887) 217 

The war was waged with frightful cruelty ; " according to 
his own admission Arnold raged furiously, without sparing 
rank, sex, or age, with murder, pillage, and fire in Moeller,Hu 
Christ's name." In part this cruelty is explained toryofthe 
by the violent excesses of the Albigenses, who had church, II. 
waylaid and slain priests, and driven bishops and ab- ^^^ 

bots from their benefices ; but fanaticism and lust of lands 
and booty helped on the movement. Twice the count of 
Toulouse made abject submission, and twice he again took 
up arms. In 1226, Louis VIII., who had ascended the throne 
three years before, led a great expedition against Toulouse; 
but on the way back he died of fever. 

All parties were now tired of the struggle; and in 1229 
a treaty was arranged between the French king, Louis IX., 
and the new count of Toulouse, son of the original count. 
Heresy was to be put down, and the count was to do penance 
for his support of the heretics; part of his estates were to 
pass at once to the king, and the remainder to go at the death 
of the count to the king's brother Alphonse, who was to marry 
the count's daughter. As it turned out, Alphonse left no heirs, 
and in 1271 these estates also passed into the royal domain. 
By these wars the domain of the crown was much increased, 
and the royal power given a firmer footing in the south ; for 
southern France itself, the result was a decay of its peculiar 
civilization and the extinction of the troubadour poets. 

The complete rooting ont of heresy in southern France took 

time and was accomplished largely by new agencies — the 

Mendicant Orders and the Inquisition. The older orders , „, „, 

^ 181. The 

of monks sought to shut out the world, and gave them- mendicant 

selves up to prayer and meditation ; the new mendicant orders 

orders were to live and labor in the world, seeking preferably 

the poorest quarters of the towns. The Dominicans, or 

Preaching Friars (also called Black Friars), were founded by 

Saint Dominic (died 1221), a Spaniard of noble family; the 

Harding's m. & m. hist. — 13 



218 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

Franciscans, or Friars Minor (called Gray Friars), were 

founded by Saint Francis, an Italian of mystical temperament. 

Lea, Inqui- " No human creature since Christ," says a modern Prot- 

sitionot the ^^^^-^^ writer, "has more fully incarnated the ideal of 

Middle ' _ *^ . 

Ages, 1. 260 Christianity than Francis. Amid the extravagance, 

amounting at times almost to insanity, of his asceticism, there 

shines forth the Christian love and humility with which he 

devoted himself to the wretched and neglected — the outcasts 

for whom, in that rude time, there were few indeed to care." 

Both orders, after some hesitation, were authorized by the 

papacy, and became its stanch supporters. The Dominicans 

applied themselves especially to preaching and teaching, while 

the Franciscans turned rather to care for the poor and sick. 

At first the friars were enthusiastically welcomed. " They 

went out two by two," says a contemporary; "they took 

Jacques de neither wallet, nor money, nor bread, nor shoes, for they 

Vitry, in were not permitted to possess anything. They had 

{Philippe neither monastery, nor church, nor lands, nor beasts. 

Auguste),80 They made use of neither fur nor linen, but wore only 

tunics of wool, terminating in a hood, without capes or mantles 

or any other garment. If they were invited to eat, they ate 

what they found ; if they were given anything, they kept none 

of it for the morrow. Once or twice a year they gathered 

together for their general chapter, after which their superior 

sent them, two together or more, into the different provinces. 

. . . They were so increased in a little time that there was 

no province in Christendom where they had not their brethren." 

When open resistance ceased on the part of the heretics, 

it became increasingly difficult to root them out ; the bishops' 

182. Found- courts proved insufficient for the task, and gradually 

ingofthe another means was devised. This was the Inquisition, 

Inquisition 

(about composed of persons especially commissioned to track 

1233) down and punish heretics, and unhampered by other 

cares or by responsibility to any authority save Home. From 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 



219 



an early day this work was largely turned over to the 
Dominicans. The procedure of the Inquisition was of a kind 
to tempt those blinded by passion and self-seeking to bring 
accusations on slight pretexts; and so close was the connec- 
tion between its l)ranches, and so complete its records, that 
neither time nor flight could insure immunity. Names of 
accusers and of witnesses were concealed, and torture (adopted 
from the secular courts) was freely used to elicit confessions. 
The Inquisition stamped out the last embers of the Albigensian 
heresy, but it left a legacy of tyranny and oppression from 
which the world was long in escaping. 

Louis IX., son of Louis VIIL, grew up to be the possessor 
of virtues which won for him the title of " Saint,'' and of abili- 
ties which insured the steady growth of the royal power; . 
he had all the good qualities of his age and few of its IX. (1226- 
bad ones. Until he attained the age of twenty-one (in ^ 
1236) the government was carried on by his mother, Blanche 
of Castile, a high-minded, ^.^^^^^,^f,^^-^^ryr;rr<^/^ 



ambitious, capable, and pious 
woman from whom Louis de- 
rived his best qualities. The 
nobles resented her rule be- 
cause she was a woman and 
a foreigner ; and they thought 
the occasion favorable to 
regain lost territories and 
privileges. Coalitions were 
formed and war begun, with 
the aid of England ; but the 
courage and ability of Blanche 
were more than a match for 
her enemies. It is not too much to say that she saved the 
monarchy ; and until her death, in 1252, she exercised a pow- 
erful influence on the French government. 




Coffer of the Time of Saint Louis, 
presented by his grandson to 
AN Abbey. 

Covered with painted designs of royal 
insignia and allegorical subjects. In 
the Louvre, Paris. 



220 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



The history of Louis's personal reign deals principally with 
his relations with England, his administrative reforms, and 
his two crusades. His wars with England ended, in 1258, with 
a treaty by which he restored some lands in return for a formal 
renunciation by Henry III. of all right to the territories confis- 
cated by Philip Augus- 
tus. The high estima- 
tion in which Louis 
was held, even by his 
enemies, is seen in the 




Saint Louis's Capture of Damietta, in Egypt (1249). 
From an old print. 

fact that six years later he was chosen arbitrator between 
Henry and his rebellious subjects. 

The administrative reforms and legislation of Saint Louis 
were very impoi'tant. He reformed the judiciary and abolished 
the right of private warfare ; he also took steps which led to 
the separation of the central government into three branches : 
(1) the Council, for political affairs; (2) the Exchequer, for 
finance; and (3) the Parlement of Paris, for judicial business. 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 221 

While insisting fully upon his rights as king, he nevertheless 
showed respect for the just rights and privileges of the feudal 
nobles. 

Soon after the fall of Jerusalem in 1244, Louis IX. "took 
the cross/' and was absent from France in Egypt and Palestine 
for six years (§ 111)„ So far as any practical end was con- 
cerned, his crusade was a failure ; but Louis won wide renown 
for his courage and devotion. In 1270 he led another crusade, 
which was directed to Tunis because Louis's brother, Charles 
of Anjou^ king of Sicily (§ 136), had claims against the Mo- 
hammedan lord of that land. Soon after he landed, pestilence 
broke out in the camp, and to it King Louis himself fell a 
victim. 

Philip III., who succeeded his father, was a well-meaning 
king, without discernment; but he was ruled by councilors 
trained under Louis IX., and the work of unitins: the ,„, „, . . 
realm and centralizing the government was not inter- ill. (1270- 
rupted. Charles of Anjou proved the evil genius of his i»o5) 

nephew Philip, as he had of Louis IX. In 1282 Charleses 
misgovernment of his kingdom of Naples and Sicily caused a 
rising known as the " Sicilian Vespers " ; with the assistance 
of the king of Aragon, the rebels established their independ- 
ence, and for a century and a half Sicily was separated from 
Naples. War between France and Aragon followed, and Pope 
Martin IV. (a Frenchman) gave to it the character of a crusade. 
With a large army, Philip III. crossed the Pyrenees to avenge 
his uncle's injuries; he accomplished little, and on his return 
died of the plague ^t Toulouse. The turbulent career of Charles 
of Anjou came to an end a few months earlier. 

Under Philip the Fair, as contemporaries called the son of 

Philip III., wars were waged with Aragon, England, and jgg phiUp 

Flanders, but with no great results. Flanders, though a IV. (1285- 

1314) 
fief of the French crown, was so prosperous through its 

rich agriculture, and the woolen manufactures and trade of 



222 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

its cities, as to make its count a semi-independent prince. 
His alliance with the English led Philip IV. to attempt to 
annex Flanders, but in the battle of Courtrai (1302) the French 
knights were routed by the Flemish tradesmen. This was the 
first of a long series of battles which taught Europe that foot 
soldiers, if properly armed and handled, were more than a 
match for mounted men-at-arms. The only important additions 
which Philip IV. made to the royal domain were the city of 
Lyons, on the river Rhone, and the county of Champagne, east 
of Paris — both made by peaceable methods. 

Philip IV. kept the administration in the hands of men of 
humble origin, trained in the doctrines of the Eoman law; 
and their zeal and loyalty were a constant support. In 1302 
he called the first Estates-General of France — an assembly 
corresponding to the Parliament of England. Its history dif- 
fers from that of the English Parliament in that the three 
" estates " (the clergy, the nobility, and the commons, or Third 
Estate) remained distinct ; class and local interests, therefore, 
controlled its action, and it never attained the regularity of 
session and the extensive powers which gave the English Par- 
liament its great strength. 

Of more importance than Philip's wars was his struggle with 

Pope Boniface VII I. The question really at issue was whether 

186 Con- ^^^® papacy should rule over European states in temporal 

testwith^ as well as in spiritual matters. Gregory VII., Innocent 

face VIII. III., and now l^ouiface VIII., advanced claims which 

(1296-1303) would have made kings and Emperors mere vassals and 

dependents of the papacy ; and the papa^ triumph over the 

house of Frederick II. (§ 136) seemed firmly to establish these 

principles. But in France, as also in England, a national 

sentiment was arising which enabled the king to maintain his 

independence. In both countries the quarrel arose over a bull 

issued by Boniface, called from its opening words CUricis 

Laicos, which forbade the payment of taxes by the clergy to 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 223 

the laity. In England, Edward I. brought the clergy to terras 
by withdrawing from them the protection of the law, the admin- 
istration of which they refused to support. In France, Philip 
answered the Pope's bull by cutting off contributions from the 
French church to the papacy. In the course of the struggle 
with Philip, Boniface issued the bull called Unam Sanctam, in 
which the papal claims to temporal power were stated in their 
most explicit form. " There are two swords," argued Boniface, 
quoting St. Luke (xx. 38), " the spiritual and the tem- Milman, 

poral; our Lord said not of these two swords, 4t is too Latin Chris- 

, , - . . , . tianity, VI. 

much,' but ' it IS enough.' Both are in the power of the 326 

church : the one the spiritual, to be used by the church, the 
other the material, for the church ; the former that of priests, 
the latter that of kings and soldiers, to be wielded at the com- 
mand and by the sufferance of the priest. One sword must be 
under the other, the temporal under the spiritual. . . . The 
spiritual instituted the temporal power, and judges whether 
that power is well exercised. ... If the temporal power errs, 
it is judged by the spiritual. To deny this, is to assert, with 
the heretical Manicheans, two coequal principles. We there- 
fore assert, define, and pronounce that it is necessary to salva- 
tion to believe that every human being is subject to the Pontiff 
of E-ome." 

After the issuing of this bull, preparations were made to 
excommunicate and depose Philip. To prevent this, agents of 
the French king, acting with the Pope's Italian enemies, 

187. 

seized him at Anagni in Italy, and subjected him to great Anagni and 
indignities. Boniface was now eighty-six years old, and vignon 

the shock was such that he died within a few weeks (1303). 
He was the last of the great mediaeval Popes. 

The affair at Anagni is the counterpart to the humiliation 
of Henry IV. at Canossa; the papacy triumphed over the 
empire, only to have its own power shattered by the resistance 
of the new national monarchies. For three quarters of a cen- 



224 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



tury France now controlled the papacy as the Emperors had 
once done. On the ground that Eome was unsafe, the seat of 
the Pope was fixed at Avignon, on the borders of France (1305) ; 
thus began the period called the " Babylonian Captivity " of 
the church, which lasted until 1377. 









'i?^^. 









,f^ 



<rn 









Papal Palace, Avignon. 

Built 1336-1364. Que of the best specimens of mediaeval military architecture 

in existence. 

The death of Philip lY., in 1314, was followed by the reign, 

in rapid succession, of his three sons — Louis X. (1314-1316), 

188. Sue- Philip V. (1316-1322), and Charles lY. (1322-1328). 

thrthrone '^^^ chief interest of these reigns lies in the question 

(1314-1328) of the succession to the throne. Louis X. was the first 

Capetian king to die without a son to succeed him, and the 

question arose for the first time whether a woman could reign 

in France. An assembly of the nobles and clergy decided 

against Louis's daughter and in favor of his brother Philip; 

thus a new rule was established, in accordance with which ng 

(^ueen has ever held sway over France in her own ri^ht. 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 225 

When Charles IV., the last of the Capetians in the direct 
line, died (in 1328) without a son, this rule received a further 
extension. The councilors of young Edward III. of England 
claimed the throne for him as the nearest male heir, through 
his mother, who was a daughter of Philip IV. A French 
assembly decided, however, that not only was a woman herself 
debarred from the succession, but she could transmit no claim 
to her son. This is the principle to which the name " Salic 
law" was afterward given, on the supposition that it was 
based on a provision of the old law of the Salian Franks. In 
reality it was based on the unwillingness of the French nobles 
to receive a foreigner as king, and at the time nothing was 
said of the Salic law. 

The choice of the nobles fell upon Philip of Valois, the rep- 
resentative of the nearest male line of the Capetian house. 
Under the name of Philip VI. he was received by France, and 
in 1329, and again in 1331, Edward III. acknowledged him as 
his lord for the fief of Guienne, or Aquitaine. Other causes, 
however, soon led to war between England and France, and 
then the claim of Edward III. to the French throne became a 
factor in the contest which we call the Hundred Years' War. 



From Louis VI. to Philip IV. there was a steady progress 
in. territorial unity and governmental efficiency. Philip IV. 
gave to the government the general form which it has 139 g^^, 
continued to bear in spite of subsequent revolutions; mary 

France ceased to be a mere feudal monarchy and became a 
modein state, with power centering in the crown. A compari- 
son of the development of France with that of G-ermany and 
England is instructive. In Germany the disintegrating ten- 
dencies of feudalism prevailed, a minute territorial division 
resulted, and the Emperor was despoiled of all power, without 
profit to the people. In England, the struggle between the 
feudal nobles and the crown produced a constitutional mon- 



226 RISE OF NAriONAL STATES 

archy under which popular rights and liberties rapidly de- 
veloped. In France the powers of the crown grew at the 
expense of the feudal nobles, but without gain to the people 
save through greater security and better government. 

After the fall of the Hohenstaufen house, France becomes 
the most important country of Europe, the part which the 
Emperors formerly played in Italy being now taken by the 
French kings. The intellectual and artistic influence of 
France was also great. " Her intellect," says the eminent his- 
torian Lavisse, "gave expression to the whole civilization of 
that period — religious, feudal, and knightly. The French 
wrote heroic poems, built castles and cathedrals, and inter- 
preted the texts of Aristotle and the Scriptures. Their songs, 
buildings, and scholastic philosophy verged upon perfection. 
Already independent, already mobile and sprightly, the French 
mind freed itself from tradition and authority. It produced 
the aerial grace of Gothic art. . . Christian Europe copied 
French cathedrals, recited French heroic and humorous songs, 
and thus learned the French language. . . . Almost all the 
universities of Europe were like swarms of bees from the hive 
of Mount St. Genevieve [University of Paris]. A proverb 
said that the world was ruled by three powers, — the Papacy, 
the Empire, and Learning; the first residing in Rome, the 
second in Germany, the third in Paris." 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) Why should the acquisition of England by the Norman 

dukes change their relations to the French kings? (2) What 
does the length of the struggle to reduce the domain to order show 
concerning the power of the crown at this time ? (3) What his- 
torical influences would account for the higher civilization of 
southern France ? (4) Was the church responsible for the cruelty 
which accompanied the Albigensian crusade, or was it due to the 
character of the times ? (5) Were the persons who took part in 
that movement more animated by religion or by desire for gain ? 
(6) Why should the friars be more successful in combating heresy 



topics 



THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1 :J37) 22t 

than the parish priests ? than the monks ? (7) How had Charles 
of Anjou come into possession of the kingdom of Naples and 
Sicily ? (8) What fundamental difference was there between the 
French Parlement and the English Parliament ? (9) Why should 
the lawyers prove more loyal servants of the crown than counselors 
drawn from the nobles and clergy ? (10) What preliminary train- 
ing of the English helped make their Parliament more effective 
than the French P^states-General ? (11) Distinguish priests, 
monks, and friars. (12) What was Aquitaine ? (13) What was 
Flanders ? 

(14) Cliaracter and work of Louis VI. (15) Philip Augustus Search 
and the Third Crusade. (16) Increase of the royal power under *°P^*^8 
Philip Augustus. (17) The Waldenses. (18) The Albigenses. 
(19) The troubadours. (20) Saint Dominic. (21) Saint Francis of 
Assisi. (22) Louis I X. (23) Contest of Philip IV. and Pope Boni- 
face VIII. (24) Popular feeling toward the friars. (25) Early 
descriptions of Paris. (26) Nature and authority of a papal bull. 

REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 228, 112 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps liv.-lvi. ; Geography 
Gardiner, School Atlas, maps 10-12 -, Freeman, Historical Geog- 
raphy, II. (Atlas), uiaps 11, 12, 15; Dow, Atlas, xi. 

Adams, Civilization during the Iliddle Ages, 811—332; B^mont Secondary 
and Monod, Medieval Europe, chs. xxiv.-xxvi. ; Emerton, Mediaeval ^-uthorities 
Europe, 413-433 ; Duruy, France, chs. xvii.-xxiii., — Middle Ages, 
174-180, 351-356, 359-384 ; Thatclier and Scliwill, Europe in the 
Middle Age, chs. vii. xviii. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 70-92, 
274-295, 393-428 ; Adams, Growth of the French Nation, chs. vi.- 
viii. ; Hassall, French People, chs. vi. vii. ; Masson, Medieval 
France, i. iii.-viii ; Kitchin, France, I. bk. iii. ; Hutton, Philip 
Augustus ; Historians'' History of the World, XI. chs. ii.-iv. 

Robinson, Beadings, I. ch. x. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source Sources 
Book, nos. 269-272 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
bk. iii. no. viii. ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
Beprints, III. No. 6, pp. 7, 14 ; Joinville, Life of St. Louis. 

L. Valentine, The Knighfs Bansom ; H, Conscience, The Lion illustrative 
of Flanders ; G. P. R. James, Philip Augustus ; C. R. Maturin, works 
The Albigenses; A. Dumas, The Knight of Maul eon; Blisset, The 
Most Famous Loba; Davis, Falaise of the Blessed Voice, 







SCALE OF MILE 



50 lOO 150 ~2()Q 



ENGLISH POSSESSIONS IN FRANCE, 1180-1129 

AFTER 1433 ENGLAND RETAINED ONLY CALAIS, AS ON P. 284 



228 



L.L.PO*T£S, ENSR'S CO., N.Y. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 

Many causes combined to produce the succession of conflicts 
between England and France which we call the Hundred 
Years' War. The conquests of Philip Augustus left a 190. Origin 
hostility which lingered in spite of the treaty of 1258 of^l^ewar 
(§ 183); and the rejection of the claims of Edward III. to the 
French throne increased the tension. There was also friction 
over the English possession of Guienne ; and in Scotland the 
French aided the young king, David Bruce, while the English 
supported a rival claimant. 

The final breach resulted from troubles in Flanders, which 
was a French fief, but depended for the prosperity of its towns 
on the manufacture of cloth made from English wool. In 
1336 the French king, Philip VI. (1328-1350), recklessly caused 
the arrest of all Englishmen there ; and in retaliation Edward 
III. seized Flemish merchants in his kingdom, and forbade the 
exportation of English wool. The Flemish burghers there- 
upon rebelled and formed an alliance with England to secure 
their accustomed supplies of wool ; and to satisfy their scru- 
ples against warring upon their king, Edward III. took the 
title of king of France — a title which his successors did not 
finally abandon until the time of George III. Previous wars 
between England and France had been feudal struggles be- 
tween their kings, the people taking little part : French in- 
terference with English interests in Flanders now aroused the 
English Parliament to enthusiastic support of the war, and 

229 



280 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



Edward's claim to the throne of France made it a life-and- 
death struggle for the French monarchy. 

The operations of the first few years were carried on by 

Edward III. in the neighborhood of Flanders, and were with- 

191, Open- out appreciable results. In 1340, however, he was met 

mg of the Q^ Sluys, while crossing the Channel, by a fleet of French 

(1337-1346) and Genoese vessels, which were chained together in 

Froissart, order to present a more solid front. Then began " a sore 

Chronicles, ]^^^^[q qj^ -^q^}^ parts; archers and crossbows began to 

shoot, and men of arms approached and fought hand to 

hand; and the better to come together they had great hooks 

and grappers of iron to cast out of one ship into another, and 

so tied them fast together." The battle lasted from morning 

until noon, and ended in complete victory for the English. 

Thenceforth, for a generation, the English were masters of the 

seas, and could land their expeditions where they wished. 

In 1346 occurred the first pitched 
battle of the war. An expedition 
under the English king landed in 
Normandy and advanced up the 
valley of the Seine until the flames 
of the villages fired by the English 
could be seen from the walls of Paris. 
Without attempting to attack the 
capital, Edward turned northward 
to join his forces with those of the 
Flemings, while an enormous French 
army under Philip followed him. 
Edward crossed the river Somme by 
means of a ford at the river mouth 
revealed by a peasant, and took up a 
position near the village of Crecy, 
from which the subsequent battle takes its name. 

The English, who consisted chiefly of infantry armed with 




Genoese Crossbowman. 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 



231 



the longbow, — the excellence of which had been demonstrated 
in the wars of Edward I. against the Welsh and Scots, — were 



stationed in three divisions on the 




192. Battle 
of Cr6cy 
(1346) 



slope of a little hill. The French 
force outnumbered the English five 
to one, and consisted chiefly of mounted 
men-at-arms, with a body of hired Geno- 
ese crossbowmen. The latter were first 
sent forward to the attack. They were 
tired with a long day's march, and their 
crossbow strings were slacked with a wet- 
ting received in a passing thundershower. 
They were no match for the English long- 
bowmen; and when the shafts of the 
English began to fall " so thick that it 
seemed as if it snowed," the Genoese 
broke and fled. At this Philip in passion 

called out, " Slay these rascals, for they 
English Longbowman. 

trouble us without reason." "And e^ • ^ 

Froissart, 

ever still," says Froissart, "the Englishmen shot wher- chronicles, 
ever they saw thickest press ; the sharp arrows ran into 
the men of arms and into their horses ; and many fell, horse 
and men, among the Genoese, and when they were down they 
could not arise again, the press was so thick that one over- 
threw another." 

A portion of the French finally managed to reach the 
English knights under the Black Prince, son of Edward III., 
who were on foot in the rear of the archers. In haste mes- 
sengers were ser*] to inform the king, who with the reserve 
coolly watched the battle from a windmill at the top of the hill. 
"Return to them that sent you," said Edward, "and Froissart 
say to them that they send no more to me as long as my Chronicles, 
son is alive. And also say to them that they suffer him ^ ' ^^^ 

this day to win his spurs j for if God be pleased, I will that 



232 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

this day be his and the honor thereof." On the French side 
there fell the blind old king of Bohemia, who chivalrously 
caused his horse to be led into the fight that he " might strike 
one stroke " with his sword in the cause of his ally. 

At nightfall the English lines were still unbroken, while 
the French were in hopeless confusion. Philip fled wounded 

193 Eff t ^^^^ ^^^^ field, leaving behind him among the slain eleven 
of Crecy princes of France and thousands of lesser rank. The 
^ ^ English loss was inconsiderable. The victory was due 

chiefly to the English archers and the tactical skill of King 

Edward. Even if cannon of a small, crude sort were not (as 

some writers claim) used at Crecy, the battle nevertheless 

foretold, equall^^^ with that of Courtrai (§ 185), a new era in 

r , „, warfare. "It was a combat of infantry against cavalry, 

of the Mid- of missile weapons against heavy armor and lances, of 

^^*' trained professional soldiers against a combination of 

foreign mercenaries with disorderly feudal levies. And the 

inevitable result was made the more decisive by the utter 

want of generalship on the part of the French king." 

After the battle, Edward continued his retreat unmolested, 
and laid siege to the city of Calais. In spite of a heroic re- 
sistance the town was at last obliged to surrender. Although 
Edward did not, as he at first threatened, put to death the 
leading townsmen, the whole population was expelled and their' 
places taken by English settlers. For two hundred years, 
thenceforth, Calais was an English town, an outpost of Eng- 
land's power and trade ; and its possession, with that of Dover 
on the other side the Channel, went far to confirm the claim of 
the English king to be " lord of the narrow seas." 

After the fall of Calais, a truce was arranged which lasted 

194 The ^^^^ several years. In this interval the exhaustion caused 
Black Death by the war was aggravated by a terrible pestilence, called 

the " Black Death," which resembled the bubonic plague 
of to-day. Arising in Asia, it reached Europe by way of 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 233 

Egypt and Syria, appearing in Sicily, Tuscany, and Pro- 
vence in 1347. During the winter months its progress was 
checked ; but the next summer it resumed its march, spreading 
" from city to city, from village to village, from house to house, 
from man to man." Germany and England experienced its 
ravages in 1349 and 1350 ; Norway and Russia in 1351. 

Everywhere the mortality was frightful ; in some of the 
provinces of France, two thirds of the population perished ; dur- 
ing the four years that this plague lasted, at least a third of the 
inhabitants of Europe were carried off. The unsanitary arrange- 
ments of the Middle Ages — the complete lack of sewerage 
systems, the accumulations of filth and decaying matter in 
streets and houses, and the pollution' of water supplies — 
sufficiently explain the widespread and great mortality 
Where conditions were better, as among the monks of Christ 
Church, Canterbury, the mortality was less. The Black Death 
was only the most terrible of many plagues which devastated 
Europe in the Middle Ages, the recurrence of which gradually 
ceased with advance in cleanliness and sanitary science. 

The direct and indirect effects of the Black Death were very 
great. In Germany an hysterical religious outbreak occurred, 
and companies of penitents called Flagellants journeyed -._ _ . 
from place to place, seeking to appease the wrath of God of the 

by mutual scourgings. In England the decline in the ^° ®^ 
number of laborers gradually produced an abandonment of 
the old manorial system of agriculture; more and more the 
lands were let out to tenant farmers paying money rent instead 
of services, or else they were put into pasture for sheep. 
Villenage declined, especially after a rising of the peasants in 
1381, under Wat Tyler ; and a system of free labor gradually 
took its place. To meet conditions produced by these changes, 
the government w.as obliged more and more to undertake, 
through parliamentary statutes, the regulation of trade and in- 
dustry; thus the functions of the state were enlarged, and 



234 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

thereby the change from medigeval to modern usages and ideas 
was hastened. 

In France the influence of the Black Death was complicated 
by the devastation wrought by war and misgovernment. 
196 D '^^^^ condition of the people in the second half of the 

lation of century became pitiable in the extreme. On the reduced 
^^^°® population the heavy taxes for the English war fell with 

redoubled force. The peasants had to contribute to pay ran- 
soms for the deliverance of their lords from captivity, and 
for the redemption of their own goods from destruction. 
They were forced by both sides to labor without 'pay in 
carrying supplies, and at siege operations. Often they were 
tortured to extort money and provisions, when they them- 
selves lacked bread for their families. To escape such evils, 
peasants fled in large numbers to the depths of the forests, only 
to die of famine and the attacks of wolves. Many parishes 
were completely depopulated. Through the joint operation of 
the plague and the war, the rude prosperity which character- 
ized the French people at the beginning of the century was 
brought to an end, and seeds of weakness were sown from 
which the land was slow to recover. 

Philip VI. died in 1350, before the renewal of the war. His 
son «Iohn (1350-1364) was a good knight, but without capacity 
^^^ government or generalship. In 1355 the war was 
of Poitiers renewed by an expedition of the Black Prince into 
^ ^ southern France. The next year the prince started to 

march northward into Normandy ; but near Poitiers he was 
confronted by an army many times larger than his own. So 
hopeless seemed the odds, that he offered (but in vain) to sur- 
render his spoil and his prisoners, and to bind himself not 
to fight again for seven years, as the price of a free retreat. 

As at Crecy, the English force consisted principally of 
archers, while the French were mostly mounted and armored 
knights. The English were stationed on a little plateau pro- 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 235 

tected by a hedge and by rough and marshy ground. King 
John was persuaded that the strength of the English at Crecy 
had been due, not to their archers, but to the fact that their 
men-at-arms were dismounted; accordingly, he ordered his 
knights to advance on foot, thus throwing away his chief ad- 
vantage. The first and second divisions of his army failed to 
come within striking distance of the enemy; and upon their 
retiring, the third division, commanded by the king himself, 
was left to bear the whole weight of the English counter- 
attack. " There was a sore fight," says Froissart, " and Froissart 
many a great stroke given and received. . . . King John Chronicles, 
with his own hands did that day marvels in arms ; he 
had an ax in his hands wherewith he defended himself and 
fought in the breaking of the press." Refusing to flee, he and 
his youngest son were taken captives by the English. 

The whole number of prisoners was twice that of their 
English captors. " That day," says Froissart, " whosoever 
took any prisoner, he was clear his, and might quit ^^,^. 
or ransom him at his pleasure. All such as were there Chronicles, 
with the prince were all made rich with honor and goods, 
as well by ransoming of prisoners as by winning of gold, silver, 
plate, jewels, that were there found." After the battle the 
Black Prince entertained the captive king, waiting upon him 
in person at table. But for all this chivalrous display, the 
English shrewdly extracted full advantage from the victory ; 
and pending the acceptance of their terms. King John was car- 
ried prisoner to London, where for four years he was detained 
in honorable captivity. 

France meanwhile was in a deplorable condition. The gov- 
ernment was carried on by the king's eldest son, Charles j^gg i^ter- 

— the first of the heirs-apparent of France to bear the nal disor- 
ders in 
title of Dauphin, derived from the Dauphine just east France 

of the river Rhone, which was annexed to France in (1356-1360) 

1349. Charles was an untried youth, and demoralization per- 

HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 14 



236 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



vaded every branch of the government. The difficulties of 
his position made necessary the frequent assembling of the 
Estates-General, and the death and captivity of so many of 
the nobles threw the preponderance in these sessions into 
the hands of the Third Estate, or representatives of the towns. 
Their leader was Stephen Marcel, provost of the merchant 
guild of Paris ; and their demands embraced 
a complete reform of the government, in- 
cluding a reduction of the privileges of the 
nobles and a commission of administration 
appointed by the Estates. When the Dauphin 
restored some dispossessed officials, Marcel 
gathered a mob and slew them in the 
Dauphin's presence. This was too much 
for moderate men ; a reaction followed, and 
when the Dauphin brought troops to reduce 
his rebellious capital, Paris stood almost 
alone. 

At this time (1358) there was added to 
the other miseries of France a great rising 
of the peasants, called the Jacquerie from 
their nickname of "Jacques Bonhomme." 
The peasants had suffered most from the war 
and the pestilence; and to their dull minds the disasters of 
Crecy and Poitiers were explainable only on the theory that 
the nobles had betrayed France. The movement was confined 
to a few provinces in northern France, but it was characterized 
by the utmost ferocity ; the peasants seemed turned by their 
sufferings into wild beasts, and the nobles retaliated in like 
manner. The revolt was soon put down, and the lot of the 
peasant, who was now dreaded as well as despised, became 
worse than before. 

Marcel's policy became steadily more narrowly selfish. He 
tried to ally Paris with the revolted peasants ; then he plotted 




French Noble, 
14th Century. 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 237 

to put the city into the hands of Charles the Bad of Navarre, 
who claimed the throne against both King John and Edward III. 
While opening the gates to admit Charles, Marcel was assas- 
sinated (July, 1358), and the Dauphin's authority over the city 
was restored. In spite of his mistakes and failures, Marcel is 
memorable as " the leader of the most notable attempt, before 
1789, to give to France a constitutional form of government." 

A treaty with England was at last concluded at Bretigny in 
1360. King John agreed to pay a large money ransom, and 

Edward III. agreed to abandon his claims to the French ,__ „ . 

19". Ireaty 

crown in return for the confirmation in full sovereignty of Bretigny 
of his possession of Calais, Ponthieu, and Aquitaine. All ^ ' 

questions seemed settled and the war ended by this treaty. 
Four years later King John died at London, whither he had 
returned on a visit of mingled business and pleasure. 

The new king, Charles V. (1364-1380), had as Dauphin 
gained in experience; as king he is known as Charles "the 
Wise," and was one of the ablest rulers of France in the 200. Charles 
Middle Ages. He was no knight-errant, but a shrewd, ^Q^ggclin 
practical statesman, who knew how to select good gen- (1364-1380) 
erals, and fought no useless battles. During the first five 
years of his reign, peace was kept with England, the abuses 
of government were remedied, and the country was rid of the 
"free companies" of mercenaries, who in spite of the peace 
preyed upon the inhabitants. 

After France had thus been strengthened, a pretext was 
found for reasserting suzerainty over Aquitaine, and in 1369 
war with England began once more. Every advantage now 
was on the side of France. England was tired of the war, 
Edward HI. was old and enfeebled (he died in 1377), and the 
Black Prince was burdened with a disease which carried him 
off the year before his father. The command of the sea was 
with the French, thanks to the fleet of the king of Castile, 
whom Charles aided against a rival supported by the English. 



238 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 




French Ship, 14th CENTtrRY. 



Finally, the French now had a first-class general in Bertrand 
du Guesclin, a low-born Breton who cast aside the old knightly 
traditions of warfare, used professional soldiers instead of the 

disorderly feudal 
levies, and carried 
on a cautious cam- 
paign of rapid 
maneuvers, strata- 
gems, and ambus- 
cades. As a result, 
place after place 
fell into French 
hands; and in 1375, 
when a truce was 
made, Calais in 
the north and Bor- 
deaux and Bayonne 
in the south were the only important places left to the English. 
This, however, proved the limit of Charles's success. In 
1380 both he and his general, Du Guesclin, died. His heir. 
Lull i C^^^^'^^s VI. (1380-1422), was a sickly boy, who became 
the war insane soon after attaining manhood. The regency during 

(1 8 - ) j^^g minority was in the hands of his uncles, of whom the 
leading spirit was the Duke of Burgundy. The new nobles of 
the royal house proved as selfishly feudal and as opposed to 
the interest of the monarchy as were the old nobility ; France 
groaned under their oppressions, and ineffectual rebellions of 
the cities broke out. Fortunately for France, England also 
experienced the evils of a regency and internal dissensions 
under the son of the Black Prince, Pochard II. (1377-1399) ; 
and the war languished, with long intervals of truce, until 1414. 
Civil war meanwhile broke out among the French princes, 
to lend a deeper shade of horror to events. The rivals for 
control during the insanity of the king were the king's cousin, 



THE HUNDRED YEARS^ WAR (1337-1453) 239 

John of Burgundy (who from his mother inherited Flanders 

and Artois), and the king's younger brother, Louis, Duke of 

Orleans. In 1407 this contest reached a climax when 202. Bur- 

the taciturn and surly Burgundy caused the murder of his gundians 

and Ar 
opponent. For a time the adherents of Orleans accepted magnacs 

a reconciliation; but in 1411 all restraint was thrown (1407-1415) 
off, and civil war began. From the principal leader of their 
party the Orleauists were called Armagnacs, their opponents 
being Burgundians. In these struggles no quarter was given, 
and both parties devastated the country. The people were 
crushed with taxes, while the princes indulged in wild ex- 
travagance ; the result was a rising of the Parisian mob 
(called " Cabochiens," from one of its leaders), whose brutal 
excesses disgraced the sober reform movement which they 
accompanied. Both Armagnacs and Burgundians sought aid 
from England, where Kichard II. had been deposed, and 
Henry IV. (1399-1413), of the Lancastrian house, had acquired 
the crown. Upon the death of Henry IV., his son, the Eng- 
lish national hero Henry V. (1413-1422) became king; and 
to quiet dynastic struggles he revived the claims of Edward 
III. to the French throne. 

In 1415 Henry V. led an army into Normandy, whence, 
after some successes, he marched northward toward Calais. 
At Agincourt, near Crecy, his way was blocked by a great 
French army composed mainly of Armagnacs, who at of Agin- 
that moment were in control of the government. The ^^^^ ^ ' 
French seem to have profited neither by the disasters of King 
John nor the successes of Charles V. and Du Guesclin. Again 
their forces were chiefly dismounted knights, weighted with 
their heavy armor, and packed so closely in the narrow defile 
that they scarcely had room to wield their swords; to make 
matters worse, the field was newly harrowed and ankle-deep 
with mud. Well might King Henry say, the night before the 
battle, that he " wished not for a single man more " to share 



240 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

the glory ! A third English victory, equal to those won at 
Crecy and Poitiers, was the result. 

Instead of uniting French parties, the disaster of Agincourt 

served only to make the feuds of the princes more bitter. 

204. Coufu- luL 1419 a conference took place between the Dauphin 

sion in Charles, now head of the Armagnac party, and John of 

(1415-1429) Burgundy, at which the latter was treacherously slain by 

the Orleanists. The new Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, 

put himself unreservedly on the English side. In 1420 a 

treaty was signed at Troyes by which the shameless French 

queen, Isabella, disinherited her son the Dauphin, and married 

her daughter Catherine to Henry V. of England, with provision 

that the latter should rule France and become its king after 

the death of her husband, Charles VI. 

Against this treaty the Dauphin protested. Southern France 
remained loyal to him, but the north, including the capital, 
passed into English hands. Henry's rule in France, however, 
was short, as he died in 1422 ; seven weeks later the pathetic life 
of Charles VI. also came to an end. The heir of both kingdoms, 
by the treaty of Troyes, was a babe less than a year old, 
Henry VI., son of Henry V. and Catherine. Such sentiment 
of nationality as existed in France supported the claims of 
the Dauphin, now called Charles VII. (1422-1461). But his 
resources were slender, and his court at Bourges was distracted 
by the quarrels and violence of his adherents; during the 
first seven years of his reign, therefore, little progress was 
made in driving the enemy from the realm. The English 
cause also was weakened by quarrels : the young king's uncle, 
the Duke of Bedford, who acted as regent in France, was an 
able soldier and wise statesman ; but another uncle, the Duke 
of Gloucester, was a selfish politician, whose ambitious schemes 
seriously menaced the English alliance with Burgundy. 

In 1429 a new factor entered the struggle in the person of 
Joan of Arc. Joan was an uneducated peasant maid of north- 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 



241 



eastern France, of a mystical religious temperament. After 
reaching the age of fourteen she began to hear "voices'^ and 
see visions of saints and angels, in which she believed 
implicitly. She was much affected by the troubles of the of Arc 

time. When she was seventeen her " voices " urged her ^ ~ ^ 
to go to the Dauphin, lead him to Rheims to be crowned, and 
deliver France. After much difficulty she reached the king's 
court, in male attire ; 
and she so impressed 
Charles that he gave 
her an opportunity to 
show the reality of 
her powers. The city ' 

of Orleans at this ^ " 
time was beset by the 
English ; if it fell, it 
would carry with it 
the ruin of the French 
cause. Equipped with 
armor and a holy 
banner, the maid set 
out with a small 
force, and entered Or- 
leans in April, 1429. 
Blow after blow was 

struck against the English, and within ten days the siege was 
raised. The French seemed suddenly to have become invinci- 
ble. Success followed success, until in July Joan led Charles 
to Eheims for coronation at the place where his ancestors had 
been crowned, and thus accomplished her mission. 

After this, Charles was received with enthusiasm ; but the 
successes won by Joan aroused the jealousy of Charles's ad- 
visers, and they did all they could to thwart her further plans. 
In September she was wounded while leading an attack on 



Home of Joan of Arc. 

The sculptures over the entrance date from the 
restoration of the house in 1481. 



:}42 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

Paris. In MajJ of the next year she was taken prisoner by 
the Burgundians, and eventually turned over to the English. 
To break the spell of her deeds, she was accused of sorcery 
and heresy and tried before the bishop of Beauvais, an Eng- 
lish partisan. Her condemnation was a foregone conclusion ; 
and at Rouen in May, 1431, — wearing the cap of those con- 
demned by the Inquisition, on which were painted devils and 
flames, with the words, " Relapsed heretic, apostate, and idol- 
ater," — she was burned at the stake. The nobility and purity 
of her character were such as to impress even her enemies. 
" We are lost ; we have burned a saint ! " were the words of an 
Englishman who witnessed her execution. The greatest blot 
on the fame of Charles VII. is the ingratitude he showed in 
making no effort to rescue from death the brave girl who, 
more than any one else, saved for him the throne of France. 

The influence of Joan of Arc survived her in the energy with 
which the war was continued. In 1435 Philip of Burgundy 
ci abandoned the English cause, on condition that he be 
of the war given certain lauds and be freed from all homage to 
^ ~ ^ Charles VII. during his lifetime; and France was thus 
once more united. A series of reforms also gave to the crown 
a standing army, a force of improved artillery, — for cannon 
were becoming effective, — ■ and a permanent revenue. While 
the French government was thus strengthened, England was 
weakened by the death of Bedford, the insanity of King Henry 
VI., and the growth of the dissensions among the English 
princes which developed into the Wars of the Roses (1455- 
1485). In these circumstances the expulsion of the English 
from France was only a question of time. In 1436 Paris sur- 
rendered to one of Charles's generals, the populace crying, 
"Peace, the king, and the Duke of Burgundy!'' In 1445-1451 
Normandy and the greater part of Aquitaine were conquered. 
Finally, in 1453, Bordeaux surrendered. Only Calais remained 
in English hands, to be kept for a century longer. The 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 



243 



Hundred Years' War, with its enormous injury, both material 
and moral, to both parties, came quietly to an end. 

Instead of winning for the English crown the whole of 
France, the Hundred Years' War thus lost for it possessions 
which had been held by English kings since the accession 
of Henry II. (1154). For France the struggle had these 
results: (1) the French king was delivered from the anomaly 




Entry of Charles VIL into Paris. 
From a miniature in a 15th century manuscript. 

of having a rival king among his vassals ; (2) the power of the 
crown was consolidated into almost absolute monarchy ; (3) a 
national sentiment was born, which ultimately led to the com- 
plete nationality of to-day. But against these gains must be 
balanced fearful losses inflicted upon land and people, the 
check to population, and the brutalization of long-continued 
and unrestrained warfare. 



The Hundred Years' War between England and France 
began in 1337 and lasted until 1453. It was caused by friction 



244 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



between the two countries in Aquitaine, Scotland, and Flan- 
ders, and became desperate as a result of the claim advanced 
207. Sum- by Edward III. to the French throne. It comprised three 
mary periods of active warfare : (1) In the first (1337-1360) 

occurred the great English victories of Crecy (1346) and Poitiers 
(1356), the terrible ravages of the Black Death (1347-1351), and 
the uprisings of Marcel and the Jacquerie (1358) ; it closed with 
the treaty of Bretigny (1360). (2) The second period (1369- 
1380) was marked by the wise leadership of the French king, 
Charles V., and his general, Dii Guesclin, which brought the 
greater part of the English possessions into French hands. 
(3) The third period (1415-1453) saw Henry V.'s great victory 
at Agincourt (1415), the treaty of Troyes (1420), the relief of 
Orleans by Joan of Arc, and the final expulsion of the English 
from Aquitaine in 1453. 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



TOPICS 

(1) Is the battle of Sluys to be classed as a real naval battle ? 
(2) What advantage did it give the English ? (3) What was it 
that enabled the English to win at Cr^cy and Poitiers? (4) Of 
what value was Calais to the English ? (5) How did the Black 
Death produce a decline of the manorial system? (6) Was 
King John of France a good soldier ? Was he a good general ? 
(7) What effect would the excesses of Stephen Marcel have on 
the attitude of future kings toward the Estates-General ? (8) What 
change was to be made in the position of the English in Aquitaine 
by the treaty of Bretigny ? (9) Which side was responsible for 
the renewal of the war? (10) Was the treaty of Troyes binding 
on France? (11) Why did Joan of Arc experience such difficulty 
in obtaining an opportunity to show her powers? (12) Was it 
only jealousy of her that led Charles's advisers to oppose her 
plans? (13) Why were the English determined to prove her a 
heretic? (14) Was it a good or a bad thing for England that it 
lost its possessions in France? (15) Would it have been an 
advantage to the two countries to have had the same king? 

(16) Real causes of the Hundred Years' War. (17) The Black 
Prince. (18) The English archers, their training and prowess. 
(19) The Black Death. (20) Rising of the English peasants in 
1381. (21) Stephen Marcel. (22) The Jacquerie. (23) Renewal 



THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 



245 



of tlie war in 1369. (24) Bertrand du Guesclin. (25) Battle of 
Agincourt. (26) Joan of Arc. (27) Source of her strength. 
(28) Attitude of the time towards witchcraft. (29) Reforms of 
government under Charles VII. (30) Arms, armor, and warfare 
in the time of the Hundred Years' War. (31) The Dauphin^. 



REFERENCES 

See map, p. 228 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, map Ivi. ; Gardiner, 
School Atlas, maps 15-17 ; Freeman, Historical Geography, II. 
(Atlas), maps 16, 17 ; Dow, Atlas, xii. 

Duruy, France, chs. xxviii.-xxxiii., — Middle Ages, chs. xxvii. 
xxviii. ; Lodge, Close of the Middle Ages, chs. iv. xvi. ; Hassall, 
French People, ch. viii. ; Masson, Medieval France, 165-272 ; 
Kitchiu. France, I. bk. iv. ; Mackinnon, Growth and Decline of 
French Monarchy, chs. ii. iii. ; Michelet, History of France, I. 
415-469, II. 79-105, 127-174 ; Terry, History of England, 350-388, 
443-464 ; Gardiner, StudenVs History of England, 231-320 ; Ran- 
some, Advanced History of England, 299-348 ; George, Battles of 
English History, chs. v. vi. ; Oman, History of the Art of War, 
bk. viii. chs. i.-iii. ; Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 34-57, 194-219; 
Lea, History of the Inquisition, III. 338-378 ; F. C. Lowell, Joan 
of Arc ; Stoddard, Bertrand Du Guesclin; Historians^ History of 
the World, XI. chs. v.-ix. 

Robinson, Headings, I. ch. xx. ; University of Pennsylvania, 
Translations and Beprints, II. No. 5 ; Ashley, Edward III. and his 
Wars; Froissart, Chronicles (Globe ed.), chs. 1. cxxviii.-cxxx. 
clxi.-clxviii. ; Murray, Jeanne d'Arc ; Colby, Selections from the 
Sources, nos. 38-40, 42, 45; Adams and Stephens, Select Docu- 
ments, nos. 60, 73, 75, 79, 95, 98, 108 ; Frazer, English History^ 
1307-1399, nos. 28-33, 38-43, 50-55; Durham, Etiglish History, 
1399-1482, nos. 22, 23, 27, 28-38, 41-58. 

Catherwood, Days of Jeanne d'^Arc, E. Robinson, The Maid of 
Orleans ; Samuel L. Clemens (Mark Twain), Personal Becollec- 
tions of Joan of Arc, by the Sieur Louis le Conte ; G. P. R. James, 
The Jacquerie ; C. M. Yonge, Tlie Lances of Lynwood ; J. G. 
Edgar, Cre(;y and Poictiers ; Dumas, Isabel of Bavaria ; A. Conan 
Doyle, The White Company. 



Geography 



Secondary 
authorities 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



CHAPTER XV. 

DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 

The fall of the Hohenstaufen house (§ 136) was followed in 
Germany by the Great Interregnum (1254-1273), when for a 
208 The score of years the land was practically without a head. 
Great Two foreigners — Richard, Duke of Cornwall, and Al- 

num fonso X., king of Castile — claimed the throne by election, 

(1254-1273) \^■^^^ neither secured general recognition. The decentraliz- 
ing forces long at work in Germany seemed completely tri- 
umphant. The imperial domains passed into the hands of the 
princes, so that the Interregnum caused the loss of the imperial 
revenues as well as a weakening of the imperial prerogatives. 
The feudal barons, secure in their strong castles, ruled as they 
pleased ; peasants were tortured and oppressed, and merchants 
were robbed at will ; " fist-right " — the rule of the strongest — 
was the only law the nobles recognized. 

The death of Richard of Cornwall in 1272 gave the princes 

the opportunity to end the Interregnum by a new election. 

209. Sue- Their choice fell on Rudolph of Hapsburg, a Swabian, 

cession of from whose poverty no danger to their independence 

wesik "Rtw- 

perors was feared. Rudolph I. (1273-1291) recognized that it 

(1273-1313) -^ag foYij for the Emperor to attempt to control Italy, 

and devoted his attention to building up a family power in 

Germany; his greatest success was the conquest of Austria, 

which thenceforth belonged to the Hapsburg house. On his 

death the princes passed over his son, and chose another " poor 

count," Adolf of Nassau (1292-1298) ; but Adolf's attempt to 

246 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 247 

find in an alliance with the lesser nobles and towns a counter- 
poise to the power of the princes led to his deposition. 

Eudolph's son, Albert of Austria (1298-1308), was then 
elected Emperor, and followed the policies of his father; his 
reign was cut short by murder — the result of a private quar- 
rel. Once more the princes refused to choose the son of the 
preceding Emperor, and French influence procured the elec- 
tion of a petty ruler of western Germany, Henry of Luxem- 
burg (p. 252). Abandoning the safe policies of the last three 
rulers, Henry VII. (1308-1313) revived the imperial pre- 
tensions, and wasted his energies on an Italian expedition 
which cost him his life. The acquisition of Bohemia for his 
family, by marriage and warfare, was his one substantial gain. 

The death of Henry VII. in 1313 was followed by a double 
election. The right to choose the king of Germany (the fu- 
ture Emperor), originally vested in all freemen, had £10 Dis- 
gradually been restricted, until by the end of the P^*e over 
thirteenth century the idea became fixed that there election 
should be just seven persons, constituting an electoral (1314-1347) 
college, who possessed the hereditary right to elect. In 1313 
two of the seats in the electoral college were in dispute ; and 
moreover the notion of submission to a constitutional majority 
was still weak. The Hapsburgs, seeking to regain the power 
they had lost, procured the election of Frederick of Austria by 
one section of the electors ; while the opposing electors, pass- 
ing by the house of Luxemburg, chose Louis, Duke of Bavaria. 
War followed, which ended in the capture of Frederick by his 
opponent (in the battle of Miihldorf, 1322). For political rea- 
sons the Pope, John XXII., refused to recognize Louis; but 
the national sentiment of Germany rallied to his sup- Thatcher 

port. A Diet held at Frankfort in 1338 declared that «^^ 

McNeol, 
"he who is elected Emperor or king by the electors of Source 

the empire, thereby becomes true king and Emperor . . , Book, 279 

without the approval, confirmation, authorization, or consent of 



248 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

the Pope or of any other person"; and Louis was able to 
maintain himself until his death in 1347. 

In the last year of Louis's reign, his opponents procured the 
election of Charles of Bohemia, grandson of Henry VIL, as 
211. Charles his rival; and eventually Charles received recognition 
IV^: the £^,^j^^ ^-^j^ Germany. He proved not merely the greatest 
(1356) king of the Luxemburg house, but one of the wisest 

rulers produced by Europe in the fourteenth century. His 
policy of building up Bohemia, through the promotion of com- 
merce and the founding of a university at Prague, caused one 
of his successors, the Emperor Maximilian, to say that he 
"was the father of Bohemia,. but the stepfather of the empire." 
This charge was based on Charles's persistent refusal to be 
drawn into Italian politics, and on the famous Golden Bull 
issued by him in 1356. In this document the seven electoral 
votes were definitely decided to belong to the three great 
Ehineland archbishops — of Mainz, Cologne (in German, Koln), 
and Treves (in German, Trier) ; and to four secular princes — 
the king of Bohemia, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the 
Duke of Saxony, and the Margrave of Brandenburg (map, pp. 
252, 253). To prevent future disputes, their territories were 
made indivisible, with succession to males only. The right 
of coining money and of trying cases without appeal was given 
to the electors, who were placed above all other German 
princes. This arrangement made the constitution of Germany 
for centuries a federation instead of a centralized mona^ch3^ 
While the central power in Germany was growing feeble, 
evidence was given, in the rise of the Swiss Confederation, 
212. The of sturdy vitality in the people. Many legends, such as 

Swiss Con- ^Yv^^ q£ which William Tell is the hero, have arisen 

federation 

(1291-1388) concerning the origin of the Swiss Confederation; but 

historians have shown these to be pure myths. The real 

beginning of that important movement was the desire of the 

peasants of the three Swiss mountain cantons ^- Uri, Schwyz, 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 249 



SCALE OF MILES 



10 20 30 40 )g 

^^ Original Tliree Cantons 1291 1315 
^^ Five Caut.ms added in 131o 13>3 \^ /- 

W-^/^ Five Cantons added in l4ijl 1 j] 

L__jAll,«i aiij Prolei-led Di-ii t I 
tiiJiiJ Subject Districts down to 1 










^ 



Growth of the Swiss Confederation. 

and Unterwalden — to secure their independence against their 
powerful neighbor, the Count of Hapsburg, who claimed lord- 
ship over them. In 1291 they formed their league, "to aid and 
defend each other . . . against every enemy; " as yet the confed- 
eration embraced only the three " forest cantons," and provided 
no means of federal government. The preoccupation of the 
Hapsburgs with Austria left these hardy mountaineers for a 
time in peace ; and when (in 1315) an attempt was made to sub- 
due them, the Austrian forces were signally routed at Morgarten. 
Soon after, Louis of Bavaria, who was hostile to the 
Hapsburg house, confirmed the immediate dependence of the 
cantons on the empire. Other cantons then joined the con- 
federation, imtil (by 1853) their number had been raised to 
"the eight old places," including the prosperous cities of 
Zurich, Lucerne, and Bern. But danger from the Hapsburg 
lords still continued, and in 1386 a second great battle was 



250 



RISI-: OF NATIONAL STATES 



fought at Seinpach : in this battle the confederates were 
again victorious ; the feudal forces of the Hapsburgs were 

defeated by the rude 
mountaineers, and 
their leader slain. 
After a third battle 
(at Nafels, in 1388) 
the independent posi- 
tion of the Swiss was 
secured ; and thence- 
forth to the close 
of the Middle Ages 
their league grew in 
numbers and in defi- 
niteness of internal 
organization, without 




Castle Hapsburg. (From an old print.) 



states 



hindrance from the imperial power or the Hapsburg house. 

In government a momentous change was taking place with 
the rise of modern states. In the early Middle Ages there 
213 Rise of ^^^^ted the two great world powers — ideal and often 
modern visionary — the papacy and the empire, to which in 
theory all owed allegiance. In the second half of the 
fifteenth century both these powers were broken, and lingered 
as mere ghosts of their former selves. Then, feudalism was 
the basis of union in the state : now, feudalism as a political 
force was dead. Then, the nations of Europe had not been 
formed, and governments were characterized by provincial 
separation, by weakness of central control, by absence of 
legislative, police, and taxing functions, and by undeveloped 
machinery for such powers as were exercised ; now, in several 
countries, modern states had arisen, strong in their national 
support, with enlarged powers and differentiated organs, 
strengthened by a body of well-ordered law, and controlling 
adequately their resources of men and money. 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-150U) 251 

Of such states, France is the best type. Under Charles 
VII. (1422-1461), after the close of the Hundred Years' War, 
the government not only recovered from disorder but 214. France 
took on new strength; and under his son, Louis XL ^^^ (i46l- 
(1461-1483), the development continued. In character, 1483) 

Louis XL was unscrupulous, cruel, and fond of cunning in- 
trigue. His chief object was to wipe out the last traces of 
feudal independence and make the monarchical power supreme. 
At the beginning of his reign he was met by a formidable 
league, headed by the dukes of liurgundy and Brittany, 
and his own brother Charles of Berri ; although this was 
called the " League of the Public Weal," the peace extorted 
from the king in 1465 showed that selfish interests predomi- 
nated. On the rise of new difficulties, Louis, in 1469, rashly 
sought to tr}^ his powers of diplomacy in a personal inter- 
view with Charles the Bold, who had now succeeded his 
father as Huke of Burgundy : at this moment the Burgundian 
city of Liege revolted, stirred up by the agents of the French 
king; Charles was furious, and Louis escaped from his peril- 
ous position only by a second humiliating submission. The 
opportune death of the Duke of Berri, in 1472, finally broke 
the coalitiou of princes and ended open hostilities. 

Charles of Burgundy thenceforth found his energies diverted 
in a new direction. As ruler of the duchy and county of 
l^urgundy, of the county of Flanders, and of a number 215. Death 
of imperial fiefs in the Netherlands, Charles was one ^^^j^^^^^^j 
of the greatest princes of his day ; but his territories Burgundy 
were scattered and inharmonious (map, p. 252), and were {l^T7) 

held by widely differing titles. The ambition of his life was 
to consolidate these, and secure for himself the title of king. 
The pursuit of this object led him more and more into 
German politics, and ultimately he came into conflict with the 
Swiss confederates. In this war he was signally defeated at 
Granson and Morat in 1476 ; and a little later (January, 1477) 




352. 




353 



254 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



Charles the Bold met his death at Nancy, at the hands of the 
Swiss pikemen and halberdiers. Again the lesson was enforced, 
as at Crecy, that foot soldiers properly armed and handled 
were more than a match for feudal cavalry. 

Louis XI. meanwhile was carrying out unchecked his policy 
of royal aggrandizement. Charles the Bold left as heir his 
daughter Mary, who 



mmMmmmmmmmmmmmmmmi 



was soon married to 
Maximilian of Aus- 
tria ; but the duchy of 
Burgundy and other 
of Charles's posses- 
sions were seized by 
Louis as king of 
France, on the ground 
that they could pass 
only to male heirs. 
In other directions 
the royal domain was 
rounded out under 
Louis XL, until it 
became almost coter- 
minous with France 
itself. The only great 
feudal domains left 
outstanding were 
Brittany and Flanders : the former was finally acquired by 
marriage early in the sixteenth century ; the latter had long 
been drifting away from France, and in 1526 was surren- 
dered to the empire — to be largely reconquered in the next 
century. 

Charles VIIL, son of Louis XL, was thirteen years of 
age when his father's death made him king of France. 
During his minority the government was ably administered 




Mary of Burgundy. 
From the painting by R. van Bruges. 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 255 




VIII. of 

France 

(1483-1498) 



Maximilian of Austria. 
From an old print. 



by his sister Anne, whom 
her father had cynically 
styled "the least 216. Charles 
foolish woman in 
the world." 

Upon coming of age, 
Charles, in 1494, led an 
army into Italy to en- 
force claims to the king- 
dom of ISTaples which he 
had inherited from the 
house of Anjou (§ 136). 
The weakness of the 
mutually hostile Italian 
states was strikingly re- 
vealed by this expedi- 
tion; it was almost a triumphal procession, and Naples fell 
with scarcely a blow. But soon Charles was called back by 
news of a formidable league formed in his rear by Milan, 
Venice, the Pope, Spain, and the Emperor. Before his death 
(in 1498) Naples was again lost to France, and soon passed 
into the hands of Ferdinand of Aragon, who already ruled 
Sicily. The expedition of Charles VIII. was nevertheless of 
great importance : it marks the end of the period of national 
isolation, and introduces a period of international leagues and 
warfare ; more especially it marks the beginning of a conflict 
for the control of Italy between France and Spain, which lasted 
until 1559, and profoundly affected the development of the 
German Reformation. 

England from 1455 to 1485 was torn by the Wars of the 
Roses, in which the rival houses of York and Lancaster 217. Eng- 
contested for the crown. The Yorkist king Edward IV. of'J^eK^ses 
(1461-1483) gave England a strong, capable rule in the (1455-1485) 
intervals of peace; but after his death his two little sons 
Harding's m. & m. hist. — 15 



256 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 



were murdered in London Tower by their uncle, who usurped 
the crown as Richard III. In 1485 Richard was slain at the 
battle of Bosworth, and his opponent of the house of Tudor 
became king as Henry VII. (1485-1509). The Tudor kings 
became almost despotic ; but the nation gladly supported their 
rule for the sake of the peace and good order which it brought. 




% 

•''Gibraltar 

Sir. of UibraUa?^ 

/aF'j<ICA 



SCALE OF MILES 
6 'J5 50 loi) TSO 



Spanish States, 1266-1492. 

The development of Spain in the fifteenth century was little 
short of marvelous. During the Middle Ages its history lies 

_. outside the general history of western Europe, its chief 
218. ais6 

of Spain features being (1) the gradual decay of the Mohammedan 
(1469-1516) pQ^^gj^. ^1 12), which passed to the Moors (descendants of 
African Berbers mixed with other peoples), and (2) the rise 
of the Christian states of Castile and Leon, Aragon, Portugal, 
and Navarre : by 1266 the Moors were confined to the kingdom 
of Granada, where they remained in comparative peace for 
more than two centuries. In 1469 the marriage of Ferdinand 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 257 

of Aragon and Isabella of Castile laid the basis of the per- 
manent nnion of these countries under a single head ; then 
in 1492 Granada was taken, and the long crusade against the 
Mohammedans was brought to an end. 

Portugal, meanwhile, for more than half a century, had been 
taking the lead in Atlantic discovery, and in the search for an 
ocean route to India ; and the exertions of Prince Henry the 
Navigator (died 1460) led successively to the discovery of the 
Madeira Islands, the Canary Islands, the Azores, and Cape 
Verde. In 1486 the Portuguese navigator Bartholomew Diaz 
reached the Cape of Good Hope ; and in 1498 Vasco da Gama 
completed the work by reaching India. Seeking to anticipate 
this result, Queen Isabella of Castile, in 1492, consented to fit 
out the expedition with which Columbus unwittingly discov- 
ered the New World. To both Spain and Portugal the result 
of these efforts was the acquisition of vast colonial depend- 
encies, and a flood of wealth. 

Sicily had been annexed to Aragon since 1409 ; and the fail- 
ure of the French kings to maintain their hold on Naples gave 
Spain that kingdom also (confirmed by treaty in 1504), thus 
making Spain the dominant power in Italy. At a later date, 
fortunate marriages joined to Spain's other possessions the 
Burgundian Netherlands, and the Hapsburg lands in Germany 
(§§ 215, 249). The church in Spain was purified and the 
monarchical power strengthened by a reform movement under 
Archbishop Ximenes (§ 233). Tliis marvelous growth made 
Spain, in the sixteenth century, the wonder of Europe. 

Charles IV., the author of the Golden Bull, was succeeded 

fin 1378) both as king of Bohemia and as German Em- 

^ ^ ^ 219. The 

peror by his eldest son Wenzel, who proved drunken and empire 

incapable, and was declared deposed as Emperor by the _ ^^^^^ *^® 

^ . ... Luxemburg 

electors in 1400. After a period of confusion, in which line 

several claimants were raised up to contest Wenzel's title ^ 378-1437) 
to the imperial crown, his younger brother Sigismund, who by 



258 



RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 




Imperial Arms after 
Sigismund's Reign. 

From iron work in the State 
Museum at Frankfort. 



marriage was already king of Hungary, was recognized as ruler 
of Germany; and after Wenzel's death (in 1419), Sigismund 

succeeded him as king of Bohe- 
mia also : from his coronation as 
Emperor at Kome (in 1433) dates 
the use of the double-headed eagle 
as the imperial ensign. 

Sigismund's rule in Bohemia 
was long interrupted by a na- 
tional uprising of the Czechs, due 
to his part in the burning for 
heresy of John Huss, the great- 
est religious teacher of Bohemia 
(§ 228). Under their blind leader 
Ziska and his successor Prokop 
(Procopius), the Bohemians not 
only successfully resisted crusade after crusade sent against 
them, but devastated large areas of Germany, until dissensions 
in their ranks permitted the triumph of their Catholic foes. 

The death of the Emperor Sigismund, in 1437, brought to an 

end the Luxemburg line ; and in the person of his son-in-law, 

220. Haps- Albert II. (1438-1439), the Hapsburg line for a third 

r^^t^r^d^ time came to the throne, of which it retained possession 

(1438-1519) continuously for three centuries. 

Frederick III. (1440-1493), cousin of Albert, was the last 
Emperor to be crowned at Home. The weakness of the im- 
perial power did not permit him to take an active part in 
the affairs of Europe ; and indeed for twenty-five years he 
remained secluded on his hereditary estates without visiting 
other parts of Germany ; but his long reign and patient per- 
sistence laid the foundations for the great growth of the 
Hapsburg power. For years the five vowels " A • E • I • • U " 
appeared inscribed on all his buildings and possessions : these 
are interpreted to mean, Austrice est imperare orhi universo (in 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 259 



German, Alles Erdreich ist Oesterreich unterthan) — that is, 
" the whole world is subject to Austria." 

In the latter part of Frederick's reign and the earlier portion 
of that of his son, Maximilian I. (1493-1519), attempts were 
made by the electors to carry through an aristocratic reform 
of the constitution. The old Diet, or Reichstag, was to be 
developed into an effective assembly, meeting annually, in 




Town Hall of the Free Imperial City of Frankfort. 

Present condition ; built 1405-1413. Here the imperial elections were held in 
the sixteenth century. 

three houses composed of the electors, princes, and representa- 
tives of the imperial cities ; and at the same time an efficient 
system of courts, and an administrative council which was 
not dependent on the Emperor, were to be instituted. These 
reforms would have done something to end the anarchy of 
Germany, but only, by substituting an aristocratic federation of 
the princes for the nominal rule of the Emperor. The move- 
ment failed, and the absence of any coercive central authority 



260 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

continued to be one of the features of German political organ!* 
zation : this, together with the rivalry of Spain and France in 
Italy, proved of the utmost importance in allowing Protestant- 
ism the opportunity to grow and spread. 

While the Holy Roman Empire of the "West was becoming, in 
the language of Voltaire (an eighteenth-century Frenchman) 
'V^1. The "neither holy, nor E-oman, nor an empire," the Eastern 
Empir? Empire came to an end altogether. The downfall of 
U5i6l-1439) the Latin power at Constantinople, in 1261, restored the 
Greek Empire, with dominions in both Europe and Asia 
(see p. 138), but its vitality was enfeebled. On the north 
and west its territory was curtailed by the development of the 
Slavic states of Servia, Bosnia^ and Bulgaria ; its capital was 
disquieted by the rivalry of Genoese and Venetian traders, and 
by never-ceasing palace intrigues and revolutions ; more menac- 
ing still was the advent of a new and more formidable branch 
of the Turks in Asia Minor. 

The newcomers were the Ottoman Turks, so called from 
their sultan, Othman, under whose father they first appear in 
western Asia in the latter part of the thirteenth century. 
The conquest of Nicaea, in 1330, brought them to the Bosphorus, 
and made them the dominant power in Asia Minor. A few years 
later they crossed the Hellespont and began a series of European 
conquests which culminated (1361) in the capture of Adrianople 
— thenceforth for nearly a century their capital. The strong 
walls of Constantinople long withstood them ; but the Eastern 
Emperors were forced to pay tribute. In another way also the 
Christian populations contributed to their own subjugation: 
each year the Turks demanded a fixed number of children, who 
were educated by them in the Mohammedan faith, and trained to 
fight as their famous "new troops," or Janizaries. 

The overthrow of the Ottoman sultan, in 1402, by the great 
Tartar leader Timour (Tamerlane), only checked for a time 
the? Tnrtish conquests. To gaih assistance against them, the 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 261 



Greek Emperor and patriarch agreed to a submission of the 

Greek Church to the Latin, at a council held in Italy in 1438- 

14.39 ; but neither the submission nor the assistance was real. 

In 1453 Sultan Mohammed II. began the final siege of 

Constantinople with an overwhelming force. Mediaeval and 

modern appliances were used together, the Turkish 222. Fall 

cannon, constructed by foreim engineers, being of larger °^ Constan- 

•^ ^ ° ' *^ '^ tmople 

caliber than ever before used. The Greek Emperor, Con- (1453) 

stantine Palaeologus, made an heroic defense; but his people 
held aloof in sullen bigotry because of new negotiations for 
union with the Latin 
West. After fifty- 
three days' siege, a 
final assault was or- 
dered, and the Jani- 
zaries forced the gates 
(May 29, 1453). The 
Greek Emperor was 
slain after a desper- 
ate resistance ; the 
city was given up to 
plunder, and thou- 
sands of the popula- 
tion were enslaved. 




Mosque of St. Sophia. 

From a photograph. The tall minarets are 
Mohammedan additions. 



The great Church of St. Sophia was robbed of its treasures, its 
frescoes and mosaics were whitewashed over by the puritanic 
zeal of the Turks, and it was converted into a Mohammedan 
mosque. The Eastern Empire, after surviving the Roman 
Empire in the West for a thousand years, came to an end. 
Constantinople became the capital of the Turkish dominions ; 
but the Christian population was contemptuously tolerated, and 
before the end of the reign of Mohammed II. the city enjoyed 
more real prosperity than had been its lot for several centuries. 



262 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 

After the Great Interregnum (1254-1273), Germany became 
in reality a confederation of many states, and the strength of 
223. Sum- *1^^ Emperor depended largely upon the extent of his 
^s-ry family possessions ; with Frederick III. (1440-1493) the 

Hapsburgs of Austria secured almost hereditary possession 
of the imperial throne, and laid the foundations of their 
great family power. In France the Hundred Years' War was 
followed by a rapid recovery of the monarchy, which made 
Louis XI. (1461-1483) practically despotic; his son, Charles 
VIII., by his attempt to conquer the kingdom of Naples (1494), 
began a series of wars which lasted for many years and had 
profound results; Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 
planned to unite his dominions into a kingdom between 
France and Germany ; but he was defeated and slain by the 
Swiss confederates (1477), and his plan came to naught. Eng- 
land, in the fifteenth century, experienced the civil Wars of 
the Koses (1455-1485). Spain rose rapidly in importance, 
through its union by the marriage of Isabella of Castile and 
Ferdinand of Aragon (1469), the conquest of the Moorish 
kingdom of Granada (1492), the hold which it acquired upon 
southern Italy (1504), and its new-found empire in the Indies 
(America). In the East, Christian Europe was curtailed by 
the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, and the final fall 
of the Eastern Empire (1453). The development of modern 
states in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was of great 
importance ; but even more momentous was the history of 
the church and the intellectual changes of the period, which 
are treated in the next chapter. 

TOPICS 

Suggestive (1) To what body connected with the papacy does the imperial 

electoral college correspond ? (2) What advantages had the Swiss 
in their struggle for independence ? (3) What advantages had 
the Hapsburgs? (4) By what right did Louis XL of France claim 
the duchy of Burgundy after 1477 ? (5) In what respects did the 



topics 



DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 263 

German constitution at the close of the Middle Ages resemble that 
of the United States under the old Articles of Confederation? 
(6) What peoples kindred to the Ottomans had preceded them 
in European history ? (7) Why did the West not come to the 
assistance of Constantinople in 1453 ? (8) How did an English- 
man (Richard of Cornwall) come to claim the German throne? 
(9) Why were the English civil wars of the fifteenth century called 
the " Wars of the Roses" ? 

(10) The imperial electoral college. (11) Origin of the Swiss Search 
Confederation. (12) Battle of Morgarten. (13) John Ziska and *°P^°^ 
the Bohemian wars. (14) Character of Louis XI. of France. 
(15) Charles the Bold of Burgundy. (16) Expedition of Charles 
VIII. into Italy. (17) Conquest of Spain from the Moors. 
(18) Character of Maximilian I. of Germany. (19) Proposed 
reform of the German constitution in the time of Maximilian. 
(20) Ottoman Turks. (21) Incidents of the fall of Constantinople. 
(22) Compare the states of Europe in 1500 with those in 800. 



Secondary 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

See maps, pp. 249, 252 ; Putzger, Atlas, maps 18, 38 ; Freeman, Geography 
Historical Geography, I. ch. ix. par. 1, ch. viii. par. 1, ch. xii. par. 
1-2, — 11. (Atlas), map 24; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps vii. 
xxxvi, ; Gardiner, School Atlas, maps 18, 19 ; Dow, Atlas, xiv. xv. 

Henderson, Short History of Germany, I. chs. vi. vii. ; Duruy, 
France, chs. xxxiv. -xxxvi. , — Middle Ages, chs. xxviii.-xxxi. ; 
Lodge, History of Modern Europe, ch. i. ; Bryce, Holy Roman 
Empire (revised ed.), chs. xiv. xvii. ; Seebohm, Era of the Prot- 
estant Revolution, pt. i. ; Fisher, Outlines of Universal History, 
Period IV. chs. i.-ii.; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle 
Age, chs. xviii. xx. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, ch. xx. ; Lodge, 
Close of the Middle Ages, chs. vi. vii. xvi. xxi. ; Mackinnon, Growth 
and Decline of French 3Ionarchy, ch. iv. ; Hassall, French People, 
ch. ix. ; Willert, Reign of Louis XL ; Freeman, Historical Essays, 
First Series, 314-372 ; Kitchin, France, II. bk. i. chs. i.-vi,, bk. ii. 
ch. 1. ; Hume, Spain, Lts Greatness and Decay, 1-33, — Spanish 
People, chs. iv.-viii. ; Hale, Spain, ch. xx. 

Robinson, Readings, I. 477-485 ; Henderson, Documents of the 
Middle Ages, bk. ii, no. x, ; Memoirs of Philip de Commines 
(Bohn), bk. i. ch. x. and bk. vi. 

Victor Hugo, Notre Dame ; Scott, Quentin Durward ; W. H. G. 
Kingston, Rocking Stone ; W. Alexis, The Burgomaster of Berlin ; 
G. P. R. James, Mary of Burgundy, — Agnes Sorrel ; Anne Lucas, 
Wen^eVs Liheritance, 



Sources 



Illustrative 
works 



CHAPTER XVI. 

THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS AND THE RENAISSANCE 

(1300-1517) 

In the history of the church the fourteenth and fifteenth 

centuries saw successively (1) a seventy years' " Babylonian 

224. The Captivity " of the papacy in France, (2) a schism which 

Popes at divided the nations of western Europe in their church 

Avignon ^ 

(1305-1377) allegiance for forty years, and (3) a series of great church 

councils which sought to wrest power from the hands of the 

Pope and to remedy a number of church abuses. 

The " Babylonian Captivity " was the result of the triumph 
of Philip IV. of France over Pope Boniface VIII. (§ 187) ; it 
lasted from 1305 to 1377, during which time the Popes resided 
at Avignon on the river Rhone. The identification of the 
papacy with one of the monarchies of Europe inevitably in- 
jured it with the others. When England entered upon its long 
war with France, it treated the papacy as a French ally, re- 
fused the tribute which John had agreed to pay, and passed 
statutes forbidding papal appointments to English benefices 
and appeals to papal courts (§ 171). In Germany it was the 
feeling that the papacy Avas the organ of France that rallied 
the national sentiment about Louis of Bavaria, and led the 
Diet to put forth its declaration that the Pope had no right of 
confirmation or rejection over the imperial election (§ 210). 

Still more significant was the appearance of writings attack- 
ing the theoretical grounds of the papal power. In the De- 
fender of the Peace, by Marsiglio of Padua, a partisan of Louis, 
sovereignty is claimed for the people, the clergy are confined 

264 



THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS 265 

to spiritual functions without power of excommunication or 
other coercive authority, and the rights of the state are pooZe. 

asserted against the papacy. In these principles we find ^^^^^^^^^^^'^ 
"the whole essence of the political and religious theory for Reform, 
which separates modern times from the Middle Ages." ^^ 

The threatened loss of the Papal States through municipal 
revolts and the encroachments of tyrants brought the papacy 
back to Rome in 1377. Pope Gregory XI. died the next 225. The 
year; and in the election which followed, the Roman ^^^i^^ 

mob, dissatisfied with the series of French Popes re- (1378-1417) 
siding abroad, demanded "A Roman Pope, or at least an 
Italian!" The majority of the cardinals were French, but 
their own dissensions and the fear of mob violence led them 
to choose a Neapolitan, Urban VI. Within a few months^ 
Urban's rough violence and obstinacy led the cardinals to 
repent of their choice ; and on the ground of mob intimidation 
they then tried to set aside his election, and chose in his stead 
a Genevan, who took the name Clement VII. and set up his 
papacy at Avignon. 

A schism in the church was thus produced which lasted for 
forty years. " All our West land," wrote the Englishman 
Wyclif, " is with that one Pope or that other, and he that Amoldy 

is with that one, hateth the other with all his. . . . wldi/Ji. 
Some men say that here is the Pope in Avignon, for he 40i-402 

was well chosen ; and some say that he is yonder at Rome, 
for he was first chosen." France and the Spanish kingdoms 
supported the Avignon Popes, while Germany, England, and 
Scandinavia adhered to Urban VI. and his successors. 

Since French influence was largely responsible for the 
schism, it was fitting that France should take the lead in 
efforts to heal it. On the advice of the University of Paris, 
the French government tried to organize a movement to com- 
pel both Popes to abdicate by withdrawing from allegiance to 
either: but Charles VI. of France was subject to insanity, 



266 



RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 



and Wenzel of Germany was a confirmed drunkard; and the 
attempt at coercion came to nothing. The scandal of the 
schism then forced the Popes themselves to take steps, and 
an agreement was made for a conference in 1407 at Savona, 
near Genoa, to bring about a joint abdication. Both Popes 
professed the greatest zeal for unity, and were probably 
sincere : but the Roman Pope, Gregory XII., was old and 
vacillating, and his fears were played upon by his ambitious 
nephews ; while the Avignon Pope, Benedict XIII., was too 
tenacious of the rights of the papacy as represented by him- 
Creighton, self. The conference, therefore, never took place. " One 
2J3 ' ' ' Pope," said a contemporary, " like a land animal, refused 
to approach the shore; the other, like a water beast, refused 

to leave the sea." 

The failure of these attempts pro- 
duced a revival of the idea of action 
through a general council of the 



226. Coun- 
cil of Pisa 
(1409) 




Mi 





Pisa: Baptistery, Cathedral, and Leaning Tower. 
Erected 1063-1350. 



church, which was zealously urged by two members of the 
University of Paris, Pierre d' A illy and Jean Gerson. Accord- 
ing to the canon law, only a Pope could summon a coun- 
cil ; the cardinals of both Popes, however, abandoned them, 
and united in calling a council which met at Pisa in 1409, 



THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS 267 

declared both Popes deposed, and elected a new one, who took 
the name Alexander V. 

Instead of ending the schism, this only added a third claim- 
ant for the papacy, for neither Gregory nor Benedict recog- 
nized the act of deposition. On the death of Alexander 
v., in 1410, the cardinals chose as his successor John cil of Con- 

XXIII., a man of infamous life, but who seemed to have stance 

',..,. , (1414-1418) 

the needed political vigor to make good his position. In 

1413 the capture of Rome by the king of Naples forced John 

to appeal for aid to the Emperor Sigismimd; and Sigismund 

demanded, as the price of his assistance, the summoning on 

German soil of the Council of Constance, which lasted from 

November, 1414, to April, 1418. 

All the states of Europe recognized this assembly, and it 
was thus enabled to succeed where the Council of Pisa had 
failed. It asserted its authority in the most far-reaching terms, 
declaring that it had power '' immediately from Christ, . 

and all men, of every rank and dignity, even the Pope, Papacy, I. 
are bound to obey it in matters pertaining to (1) the faith, ^^^ 

(2) the extirpation of the present schism, and (3) the general 
reformation of the church of God in head and members." 

In carrying out this threefold pi'ogramme, the council con- 
demned the heresies of Wyclif, and burned at the stake John 
Huss and Jerome of Prague, who headed a movement in 
Bohemia similar to that of Wyclif in England. Huss had sies con- 
come voluntarily to Constance under a safe conduct from ®°^^® 
Sigismund, the violation of which was justified by the plea 
that faith should not be kept with those who are unfaithful to 
God. Both Huss and Jerome of Prague met their deaths with 
heroic constancy. This action of the council kindled a religious 
war, in which the Hussites not merely maintained themselves 
but carried devastation into the heart of Germany (§ 219). 

In healing the schism the council was more successful than 
in dealing with heresy. Gregory XII., who represented the 



268 KENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION. 

line of Urban VI., sent envoys from his refuge in northerii 
Italy to offer his abdication ; and Benedict XIII., now a fugi- 
tive in Spain, was deposed and left without a following. 
Great John XXIII., who opened the council as president, was 

Schism appalled by the array of charges brought against his 

healed 

character and life, and after ineffectual efforts to avoid 

his fate, submitted to deposition as ^'unworthy, useless, and 
harmful." Representatives from the five "nations" into 
which the council was divided were then added to the cardi- 
nals, and the united body chose as Pope a Roman cardinal 
who took the name Martin V. All Western Christendom 
recognized him, and the schism came to an end (1417). 

Of the reform question at Constance, a Catholic historian 

says : " The great majority of the assembly were of one mind 

as to the need of reform. ^ The whole world, the clergy, 

question of all Christian people, know that a reform of the church 

re orm militant is both necessary and expedient,' exclaims a 

Pastor His- theologian of the day. ... But . . . the members of 

tory of the ^ *^ 

Popes, I. the council were neither clear nor unanimous in their 

views as to the scope and nature of the reform." A 
strong party sought to defer the election of the new Pope 
until after a reform had been effected, but in this they failed. 
Pope Martin V., after his election, speedily showed " that 
little was to be expected from him " in this matter. "Neither 
the isolated measures afterward substituted for the universal 
reform so urgently required, nor the Concordats [separate 
agreements] made with Germany, the three Latin nations, and 
England, sufficed to meet the exigencies of the case, although 
they produ^.ed a certain amount of good." 

One of the decrees of the Council of Constance provided for 
231 c ^'^® regular summoning of councils in the future; and 
cil of Basel the continued demand for reform, together with the rout 
(1431-1449) q£ successive armies of crusaders sent against the hereti- 
cal Bohemians (§ 219), led to the assembling, in 1431, of the 



THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS 269 

(Jouncil of Basel. Pope Eugenius IV. soon issued a bull to 

dissolve the council ; " incorrect information and fear of the 

^rowincf power of councils induced the Pope to take this ^ 

^ ^ ^ ^ Pastor, His- 

momentous step, which was a grievous mistake." The tory of the 
council claimed superiority over the Pope, and refused ^^P^^' ^' '^^'^ 
io recognize his decree; and after two years the Pope was 
forced to yield and revoke the decree of dissolution. 

This council proved far more radical than the one at Constance. 
The attendance of the higher clergy at Basel dwindled until 
business was carried on mainly by members of the lower clergy 
and ecclesiastical adventurers. A hearing was given to the 
envoys of the Bohemians, and a series of compacts was entered 
into by which some of their demands were granted, especially 
the administering to the laity the wine as well as the bread 
in the Lord's Supper. It was no small gain that heretics should 
be treated with instead of being repressed by the arm of 
authority. The compacts, however, failed to end the troubles 
in Bohemia, and they were annulled by the Pope in 1462. 

No adequate results followed the discussion of reform ques- 
tions at Basel. " Instead of the reform of ecclesiastical abuses, 
which in many countries had reached a frightful pitch, 
the diminution of the papal authority and the destruc- tory of the 
tion of the monarchical character of the church became ^^^■^' ^^^ 
the chief business of the synod." Among the ideas discussed 
and rejected was the abolition of the requirement of celibacy on 
the part of the clergy ; but certain reforms were agreed upon at 
Basel, and following these both France and Germany issued 
" Pragmatic Sanctions " limiting abuses of papal taxation and 
appointment, which were ultimately withdrawn. 

In 1437 hostilities again broke out between Pope and council, 
and Eugenius IV. issued a bull dissolving the council and call- 
ing another to meet in Italy. At Basel this step was met by 
decrees suspending, then deposing, Eugenius ; and on November 
3, 1 1:39, the schism was renewed by the election of an anti-pope, 



270 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 

who took the name Felix V. No important nation recognized 

Felix; and after ten years came the downfall of both the 

Council of Basel and its anti-pope. 

For the next few j^ears the papacy was engaged — under 

Nicholas V., Calixtus III., and Pius II. — in remedying the 

232. The damage done by the Great Schism, and in stamping 

papacy ^^^^ ^^le last embers of the conciliar movement. The 

after the 

councils schism had doubled the financial burdens of the church, 

and reunion had not lessened them ; and the demand for the 
removal of evils and abuses in the church grew stronger as time 
went on. In vain did Nicholas V. seek, by identifying the 
papacy with the literary and artistic revival of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, to recover its lost prestige. The effort also of Pius II. 
(1458-1464), to stir up a crusade against the Turks, only re- 
vealed more clearly that, as he himself had said, Europe looked 
" on Pope and Emperor alike as names in a story or heads in a 
picture." The mediaeval papacy was dead as a political world 
power equally with the mediaeval empire. 

In these circumstances the Popes confined themselves largely 

to looking after the interests of the Papal States. From 1464 

to 1521 the sovereign pontiffs^ may be described as Italian 

princes, who united to their powers as head of the church the 

political craft and perfidy and the looseness of morals which 

characterized Italy in their day, and lost sight of the spiritual 

side of their office. A Catholic historian quotes approvingly 

this characterization of Alexander VI. (1492-1503), one of the 

worst of their number : " The reign of this Pope, which 

toi^y of the lasted eleven years, was a serious disaster, on account 

Popes, IV. of i^s worldliness, openly proclaimed with the most 

amazing effrontery, on account of its equally unconcealed 

nepotism [favoritism to relatives], lastly on account of his 

utter absence of all moral sense both in public and private 

iPaul II. (14b'4-1471) ; Sixtus IV. (1471-1484) ; Innocent VIII. (1484-1492); 
Alexander VI. (1492-1503) ; Julius II. (1503-1513) ; Leo X. (1513-1521). 



THE RENAISSANCE 271 

life, which made every sort of accusation credible, and brought 
the papacy into utter discredit, while its authority seemed 
unimpaired." 

Thus the Middle Ages end with the papacy and higher 
clergy sunk in worldliness; but among the people "the evi- 
dence is overwhelming," says a recent Protestant histo- 233 Span- 

rian, "that the whole media3val period witnessed a ish awaken- 

in ST 
gradual deepening of the hold of religion on life and 

thought. ... If the wider interests of religion are Reforma- 
had in view, the period just previous to the Reformation ^^0^. ^ 

witnessed not the lowest decline but the highest development 
of mediaeval Christianity — high enough to be dissatisfied 
with its state, to feel dimly the inadequacy of its institutions, 
and the need of their improvement." In Spain, in the latter 
half of the fifteenth century, was seen a religious movement 
which particularly testifies to this. There a reform was car- 
ried out, on the initiative of Ferdinand and Isabella, and 
through the agency of Archbishop Ximenes, which purified 
the Spanish church, and produced a religious revival charac- 
terized by strict orthodoxy, limitation of the papal power, and 
a more rational theology. 

In Italy also a moral and religious revival was begun by 
the Dominican friar Savonarola (1452-1498) at Florence. His 
vivid eloquence and commanding personality aroused . _ 

the people from their frivolity and sensuality, and for a vonarola 
time he swayed the city at will. But unhappily he was ^ ~ ^ 
led into politics; he took a prominent part in a revolution 
which temporarily cast out the ruling family of the Medici, 
and he turned Florence to alliance with the French when 
Charles VIII. made his raid into Italy (§ 216). 

This brought Savonarola into conflict with Pope Alexander 
VI., whose chief object was to provide a principality in Italy 
for his son, Caesar Borgia. This end was pursued by father 
and son with frank disregard of morality and religion ; in- 

HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 16 



272 



RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 



■*^f 




Savonarola. 



deed, the Italian writer Machiavelli (1469-1527), in his work 
entitled The Prince, took Caesar Borgia as a model of that 

unscrupulous craft which was 
^^;r7~~7~~^v thought necessary to rule a newly 

t{ , I won state. The chief danger to 

the Pope's designs came from the 
interference of France in the pen- 
insula, and Florence was the chief 
supporter of that intervention. 
The persistence of Savonarola in 
adhering to the French alliance, 
his preaching after being excom- 
municated, and his attacks upon 
the Pope at length led to his 
downfall. Although his teachings 
were in general harmony with the doctrines of the church, 
Savonarola was condemned as a heretic, and burned at the 
stake in 1498. Unlike the Hussite movement in Bohemia, his 
influence died with him. • 

The reform movements of Ximenes and Savonarola were 
orthodox efforts to effect an adjustment of the church to the 

modern spirit which was manifesting itself in the srreat 
235. Decay .^ ^ ^ ^ . rSi .- 

of mediae- movement called the Kenaissance. Ihe term means liter- 

valism ^lly "rebirth," and is applied especially to the intel- 

lectual and artistic revival which, beginning in Italy about 
the year 1300, went steadily on throughout the fourteenth, fif- 
teenth, and sixteenth centuries. Fundamental!}^, it was an 
awakening of the human intellect to wider fields of activity; 
it was the recovery of the freedom of individual thought and 
action. In the Middle Ages the individual was nothing; the 
guild, the commune, the church, were everything. The world 
and the flesh were regarded as evil, and their influence was 
to be combated. Curiosity was to be repressed ; hence natural 
science, which is based on observation and investigation, made 



THE RENAISSANCE 273 

little progress. The learning most worth having was the- 
ology, the basis of which was revelation ; and with it flourished 
philosophy (the handmaid of theology), and law — the impor- 
tance of which was due to the incessant conflicts of papacy 
and empire, of church and state. 

With the fourteenth century a new way of looking at things 
began in Italy to manifest itself. Human life and this world 
were viewed as things good in themselves, and not 236. Re- 

merely as a means of preparation for the world to vival of 
. 1 • • I? • learning- 

come. Men began to give way to the stirrings ot curi- 
osity in matters hitherto neglected. A new interest was 
taken in the monuments of antiquity. Throughout the Middle 
Ages, Vergil, Cicero, and others of the best Latin authors were 
read as models of style, however imperfectly they were 
followed; but their content was feared as pagan. Now 
they began to be read for meaning as well as style ; and in 
them men found that spirit of individualism, of " humanism," 
of which they were beginning to be conscious in their own 
breasts. 

"The expression of the human mind in the Middle Ages 
had been scholasticism, that is to say, the interpretation of 
texts; the expression of the humanistic spirit was rea- x^, .„_ 

' ^ jLCiVlSS6, 

son, that is to say, the affirmation of truth, evident or General 

demonstrated." A new and exaggerated reverence for ^ew,i35 

antiquity sprang up; and because the classical authors were 
now understood, men profited by their style as never before. 
Better Latin began to be written ; and Greek, the knowledge 
of which had gradually died out in the West, was relearned 
from Constantinople. " Greece has not fallen," said an Creighton, 
Italian scholar after the fall of Constantinople; "but Papacy, 
seems to have migrated to Italy." Under the impulse of 
the new love for learning, the libraries of the monasteries of 
Europe were ransacked, and many lost works were recovered. 
Critical scholarship was born in the task of identifying and 



274 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 

editing these treasures, and grammars and dictionaries were 

compiled for their interpretation. 

The chief representatives of the revival of learning, in the 

fourteenth century, were Petrarch and Boccaccio. Petrarch 

237. Classic (1304-1374) was born near Florence, spent his boyhood 

study and ^^ Avisrnon, and in manhood passed from one Italian 

vernacular o - ^ 

literature court to another. He longed passionately for a revival 

of the glories of ancient Rome, and was the first who zealously 
collected Latin manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. He tried 
ineffectually to learn Greek in order that he might read 
Homer; and in countless letters, each an essay in finished 
Latin style, he spread broadcast the cultured and inquiring 
humanist spirit. Boccaccio (1313-1375) also was a Florentine ; 
with much difficulty he gained some knowledge of Greek, and 
was the author of valuable dictionaries of classical mythology 
and geography. In the fifteenth century scores of humanists, 
of lesser genius but greater learning, carried on the work begun 
by these two. 

Along with the revival of learning went another move- 
ment, which also owed much to Petrarch and Boccaccio. The 
Italian, French, and English tongues, and later the German, were 
raised to the rank of literary languages, and vernacular litera- 
tures were created. The Florentine poet Dante (1265-1321) 
represents "the glimmer of the dawn" of the Renaissance. 
Born amid the strife of Guelf and Ghibelline, he spent his later 
life in the wanderings of political exile. His epic poem, the 
Divine Comedi/, was not merely the first important literary 
work in Italian, but was the first great piece of modern litera- 
ture, one of the masterpieces of all time. Petrarch's Sonnets 
showed that the Italian language was adapted to lyric poetry ; 
and Boccaccio, in a series of short stories called the Decameron^ 
became the father of Italian prose. In England the poet 
Chaucer (1340-1400) used the language of the people for his 
Canterbury Tales ; and Wyclif used the same tongue in much 



THE RENAISSANCE 



2T5 



of his writing and preaching. In Germany the development 
of a literature in the people's tongue was aided by the work of 
Martin Luther in the sixteenth century. 

Architecture, sculpture, and painting also felt the new im- 
pulse, and flowered into masterpieces such as the world had 
not seen since the days of classical Greece. In archi- £38 The 
tecture the classical revival was felt early in the fifteenth ^^ arts in 
century, when men restored the style of ancient Rome, 
adapted to the requirements of modern ecclesiastical, civic, 
and domestic building. Bramante (1444-1514) was foremost 




St. Peter's, at Rome. (Present condition ; erected 1506-1626.) 

in this work, and to him Rome owes the original plan and 
part of the completed structure of the church of St. Peter's. 
Michael Angelo (Michelangelo, 1475-1564) illustrates the 
many-sidedness of the Italian Renaissance by the preeminence 
which he attained alike in architecture, sculpture, and paint- 
ing. He superintended the building of St. Peter's, and added 
the towering dome; sculptured many figures, of which those 



276 RENAISSANCE AND KEFORMATION 

of David, Moses, and the figures for the Medici monument 
at Florence are perhaps most famous; and painted a series 
of biblical pictures for the Sistine Chapel at Eome, of which 
his fresco of the Last Judgment is probably the most famous 
single picture in the world ; in addition he was a poet of no 
mean note. In painting, the Italian Renaissance reached its 
height in the period 1470-1550, which saw the works of 
Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519), Raphael (1483-1520), and 
others, as well as those of Michael Angelo. In Venice the 
movement was of somewhat later origin than elsewhere in 
Italy; but a Venetian school, of which Titian (1477-1576) 
was foremost, gained fame for its brilliant and accurate col- 
oring 

The critical spirit which was developed in the study of the 

ancient authors passed into criticism of mediaeval philosophy, 

^^^®^^*^^^ science, and mediaeval religion. Scholastic phi- 

«3>7. SC16I1C6 

and criti- losophy lost its hold upon the world, and the writings of 
cism Plato were read along with those of Aristotle, whose works 

now became known in the original Greek. Medicine profited 
by the dissection of the human body ; but it was not until the 
middle of the seventeenth century that an English physician, 
Harvey, completely demonstrated the circulation of the blood. 
Chemistry made important strides, though to many investiga- 
tors it was only a means to find the mythical " philosopher's 
stone," with which to turn base metals to gold. Mathematics 
also experienced some advances. 

Above all, the study of the stars passed from the astrologer 
to the astronomer. For centuries the teaching of the Greek 
philosopher Ptolemy had prevailed, which made the earth the 
center of the universe, about which turned sun, moon, and 
stars. Copernicus (1473-1543) now taught that the sun is the 
center about which the earth revolves with the other planets, 
turning at the same time upon its axis. Galileo (1564-1642), 
with the aid of the telescope, which he so improved as to make 



THE RENAISSANCE 277 

practically a new invention, explored the heavens and made 
discovery after discovery ; but because of the opposition of 
the theologians, he was obliged to withdraw as heretical the 
teaching, which he borrowed from Copernicus, that the earth 
moves around the sun. 

The same sort of critical investigation which led to these 
scientific discoveries enabled Lorenzo Valla (1405-1457) to 
prove that the alleged Donation of Constantine (§63), by which 
were defended some of the papal claims to temporal power, 
was a clumsy forgery. 

A development of the arts of war and of navigation also 
marked this period. The improvements in the arms and 
handling of foot soldiers, which made them superior to 
the mounted and armored knights (§§ 185, 193, 215), were of war and 
accompanied by the introduction of gunpowder, which ^^^^S^ ^°° 
robbed the feudal castle of its strength. Prom a very early 
date gunpowder was used in India and China for rockets 
and fireworks. Its introduction into Europe, and use in 
cannon, took place in the fourteenth century ; but it was not 
until the fifteenth that improvements in its composition and 
in appliances made it an effective instrument of war. The 
musket and pistol do not appear until the sixteenth century 

The art of navigation also owed much to the Far East. 
About 1300 the mariner's compass was introduced into Europe 
from China, where it had long been known ; and the astrolabe 
and cross-staff, used to ascertain latitude, were adapted to 
purposes of navigation in the fifteenth century: these were 
among the few instruments possessed by Columbus and Vasco 
da Gama on their famous voyages. Longitude, however, could 
not be reckoned with any degree of accuracy until the inven- 
tion of the watch, in the eighteenth century, made compara- 
tively easy its calculation by differences of time. 

Geographical knowledge was greatly increased by the accept- 
ance of the view that the" earth is a sphere (a fact known to 



278 



RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 



the ancients, but rejected on theological grounds by the Middle 
Ages), and by a system of rational maps in place of fantastic 
and mythical representations of the world. In the sixteenth 
century the invention of Mercator's projection — a form of 
map in which all meridians and parallels are straight lines 
intersecting at right angles — made possible sea charts for 
compass sailing on courses drawn as straight lines. 




Spread of Printing during the Fifty Years following its 
Introduction into Mainz. 

The boundaries are modern. 
The intellectual awakening came earliest in Italy, and gradu- 
ally spread to the lands beyond the Alps. The great church 
241 Inven- ^o^^^^cils of the fifteenth century were an important help 
tion of in its spread by bringing the scholars of Italy into touch 

(abou?^ with those of other lands. The greatest aid, however, 
1450) was afforded by the invention of printing. As late as 

1350 practically all books in Europe were prepared entirely 
with the pen. Some time after that date the practice arose of 



THE RENAISSANCE 279 

printing tracts and short books, for whicli there was a large 
sale, from engraved blocks of wood. Such crude "block books" 
were a step in advance ; but it was not until separate types 
were cast in metal, making possible their use in many combina- 
tions, that the art of printing was really born. The honor of 
this invention is usually given to Johann Gutenberg of Mainz, 
in Germany, who printed from movable types about the year 
1450 ; but the date, place, and original discoverer of the art 
are all disputed. The invention cheapened books and spread 
broadcast the means of culture. By the end of the century, 
printers had established themselves in more than two hun- 
dred places in Europe, and books and pamphlets were multiplied 
at an unprecedented rate. Leaflets containing woodcut pic- 
tures, illustrating the questions of the day, made an equally 
powerful appeal to the illiterate. 

In Italy, in the latter part of the fifteenth century, scholars 
became almost pagan in their devotion to the learning of 
Greece and Rome ; and frank disregard of religion and 242. The 

morality spread among all classes. North of the Alps a Renais- 
. "^ -11 -1 sance be- 

more serious tone characterized the movement; without yondthe 

neglecting the classical authors, scholars turned more to "^^P^ 

the study of early Christian writers. In England, John Colet, 
dean of St. Paul's cathedral at London, labored for an educa- 
tional and religious revival. In Germany, Reuchlin became the 
center of a bitter literary and theological quarrel, because of 
his Hebrew studies and his desire to save the books of the 
Jews from burning at the hands of bigoted scholastics ; and 
to defend him, a group of younger humanists, of whom the 
brilliant but dissolute Ulrich von Hutten was one, published a 
series of satirical letters entitled Eijistolm Ohscurorum Virorum, 
purporting to be written by Reuchlin's opponents, and designed 
to cast ridicule upon them as a stupid party. 

The best example of northern humanism is offered by 
Erasmus of Rotterdam (1467-1536). After passing a few 



280 



RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 



years in a Netherlands monastery, he studied at Paris, in Eng- 
land, and in Italy ; his home thenceforth was wherever there 
243 E were literary friends, books, and a printing press. In 

mus biting satire he attacked the evil lives of monks, the 

C 7- 36) arrogance of theologia,ns, and superstition and ignorance 
everywhere. He devoted himself especially to editing and 
printing works of the early church fathers, and thus became 
the founder of a more learned and comprehensive theology. 
Scores of books were j)ublished by him : the most widely read, 

perhaps, was his satirical Pi-aise 
of Folly, the most important 
was his edition of the New 
Testament (1516), making ac- 
cessible, for the first time in a 
printed volume, the original 
Greek text. Owing to the 
knowledge of Latin possessed 
by all educated men, his works 
were everywhere read. He de- 
sired a reformation in the church 
" without tumult," carried 
through by education and by 
appeal to the reason. In his 
own day he possessed an influ- 
ence such as few scholars have had. Though his plan of 
orderly reform could not avert the uprising against the church, 
Sef^rd ^^^ work profoundly affected that movement as well as 

Reforma- the church itself. "The Eeformation that has been," 

tion of the . « . • t i i 

Sixteenth says a writer of our own time, " is Luther s monument : 

Century, 73 perhaps the Reformation that is to be will trace itself 
back to Erasmus." 




Erasmus 
From the painting by Holbein. 



In reviewing the history of the seven centuries between 800 
and 1500, we see Europe in a constant state of transformation. 



THE RENAISSANCE 281 

The prosperity of Charlemagne's reign was followed by the 
political and ecclesiastical disintegration of the ninth and 
tenth centuries. Through feudalism, military efficiency 
was recovered and the Continent saved from conquest mary of the 
threatened by Saracens, Hungarians, and Northmen. Middle Ages 

The refounding of the Holy lioman Empire by Otto I. (962) 
again gave Europe theoretical political unity, and led to the 
purification of the papacy and the church through the Cluniac 
reforms (tenth and eleventh centuries). The conflicting claims 
of papacy and empire then produced a series of struggles be- 
tween these world powers, lasting from 1075 to 1268: these 
include the Investiture Conflict (1075-1122) begun between 
Gregory VII. and Henry IV. ; the long struggle with Frederick 
Barbarossa; and the contest which ended in the death of 
Frederick II. (1250) and the final downfall of the Hohen- 
staufens (1268). 

National states meanwhile were arising; and with France, 
the first of these, the papacy came into disastrous conflict in 
1296-1303. Then followed the "Babylonian Captivity" at 
Avignon, the Great Schism, and the church councils, which 
ended the papacy as a world power. The political supremacy 
of France which followed was checked by a long war with 
England (1337-1453) ; and again at the end of the period it 
was about to be eclipsed by the newly grown power of Spain. 

The Crusades (1096-1291) were almost exactly contempora- 
neous with the struggle of papacy and empire. In one view 
they were an expansion of Europe eastward; similar move- 
ments were the conquests from the Slavs on the northeast of 
Germany, the Northman colonization of Iceland and Greenland, 
and the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the fifteenth 
century. The Middle Ages were also the period of the rise 
and vigor of the towns, of the universities, and of monastic 
organizations of various sorts. Chivalry, scholasticism, and 
Gothic art are manifestations of the earlier period, which 



282 



RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 



gradually change as the revival of learning grew in the four- 
teenth and fifteenth centuries. All iu all, the Middle Ages 
were a period of transformation, when the old classical civiliza- 
tion, Christianity, the vigorous Teutonic races, and elements 
drawn from the Mohammedan East combined in bewildering 
variety. It was essentially the period when Europe became 
Europe, and made read}^ to found new Europes across the seas. 

TOPICS 



Suggestive 
topics 



Search 
topics 



(1) Was Urban VI. or Clement VII. the true Pope? Give your 
reasons. (2) Why should England and France tp^ke opposite sides 
in the Great Schism ? (.3) Compare the powers claimed by the 
Council of Constance with Gregory VII, 's memorandum of the 
powers of the papacy. (4) Was the council's claim constitutional 
or revolutionary ? Was it necessary or unnecessary ? (5) Why did 
the councils fail to reform the abuses in the church ? (6) Compare 
the character and European position of the Popes after the councils 
with the character and European position of Pope Innocent III. 
(7) Contrast the mediaeval with the modern way of looking at the 
world. (8) Why was scholasticism insufUcient as an intellectual 
training? (9) Why should the revival of learning come first in 
Italy ? (10) How did printing help on the Renaissance ? (11) Why 
were the northern humanists more serious and religious-minded 
than the Italian ? 

(12) Effects of the Babylonian Captivity and the Great Schism 
on the papacy. (13) Incidents of the Council of Constance. 
(14) John Hnss. (l.j) The Emperor Sigismund. (16) The 
papacy under Julius II. (17) The reforms of Ximenes in Spain. 
(18) Savonarola. (10) Dante. (20) Petrarch. (21) Michael 
Angelo. (22) Raphael. (23) Leonardo da Vinci. (24) Invention 
of printing. (25) Reuchlin. (26) Erasmus. (27) Discoveries of 
ancient works of art. (28) Discoveries of ancient literary works. 



Geography 
Secondary- 
authorities 



REFERENCES 

See map, p. 252. 

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Thatcher and Schwill, FAirope in the Middle Age, chs. xxi. xxiii. ; 
Van Dyke, <^i/e of Renascence, 1-34, 62-121; Walker, Reforma- 



CHURCH COUNCILS AND RENAISSANCE 



283 



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Memoirs (Bohn), IL 189-191, 284-287. 

Charles Reade, Cloister and the Hearth; "George Eliot," Illustrative 
Bomola; G. P. R. James, Leonora d''Orco; Mrs. Beecher Stowe, """'O'^s 
Agnes of Sorrento ; C. Baker, The Gleaming Dawn, — The Cardi- 
naVs Bage. 



INDEX 



Diacritic marks : a as in late, ; a as in fat \ a as in far ; a as in last ; a as in care ; a as 
in fall ; «, eh, as in cask, chasm ; f as in ice ; G as in me ; o as in m^<, berry ; g as in t'eil ; 
e as in term ; e as in <Ae/"e ; e as in novel ; g as in g'e'w ; g as in g^o ; g, German c/i ; i as in 
ice ; i as in <i?i ; i as in police ; k, German ch ; ?i as in ^ finger ; n, the French nasal ; 6 as in 
note ; o as in not ; 6 as in .son ; 6 as in for ; o as in do ; o as in wolf; s as in neics ; u as 
in tune ; u as in nut ; u as in rude ( = <..)^ ; u as in full ; ii, French u ; y as in 7»y ; y as 
in lady. Single italic letters are silent. 



Aachen (a'Ken), 39, 40. 

Abbots, 87, 88, 108. 

Ab'elard, 92. 

Absolution, 80. 

Acre (Ji'ker), in Crusades, 134, 135, 140. 

A'dolf of Nassau, 246. 

A'drian IV., Pope, 152. 

Ad-ri-an-o'ple, conquered by Turks, 200. 

Af-g/ian-is-tiin', 118. 

Ag'incourt (ii-zhiiN-koor'), battle of, 289. 

Agriculture, medieval, 178, 179. 

Black Death affects, 233. 

Crusades influence, 142. 

Mohammedan, 117. 

monks influence, 87, 89. ^ 

Aids, feudal, 56. 

Aix-Iti-^ha-peU^', and Charlemagne, 39-41. 
Al'aric, 21. 

Albert I. (of Austria), Emperor, 247. 
Albert II., Emperor, 258. 
Albigen'seg, 216, 217, 219. 
Al'cuin (-kwin), 38. 
Alexander III., Pope, 153, 154, 155. 
Alexander V., Pope, 267. 
Alexander VI., Pope, 270, 271. 
Alex'ius Comne'nus, 114, 120, 123. 
Alfonso X., of Castile, 246. 
Alfred the Great, of England, 193. 
Allodial estates, 52, .55. 
Alps, 16, 17, 14. 

A-miil'fi, early commerce of, 186. 
Amiens (ii-me-aN'), cathedral, 90. 
Ana^'ni (a-nan'yG), Pope seized at, 223. 
Anath'ema, 81. 

An'gevin kings of England, 200. 
Angles, 21, 191. 
Atiglo-Saxon Chronicle, 193. 
Anion (iiN-zhoo'), Charles of, 168, 169, 221. 
Annals, 19, 37. 
Anne of Beaujeau (France), 255. 

MED. 28 



An'ti-o€A, in Crusades, 123-126, 129. 
.Vnt'werp, commerce of, 186. 
Ap'en-nineg, 17. 

AquT'nas, Thomas, 94. • 

Aquitain^', 49, 200, 204, 213, 237, 242. 
.\quita'nians, 32, 71. 
Af'ilbs, 28, 116, 117, 118. 
Ar'agon, 162, 221, 256, 
Archbishops, 81-83, 86. 
Archdeacon, 81. 
Architecture, 89-91, 275. 
A'rian Christians, 22, 84. 
Ar'istotle, 94, 118, 276. 
Arks, 49 ; see Burg'undy. 
Armagnacs (iir-mun-yak'), 239, 240. 
Arms and armor, 57, 58, 117, 197, 230, 231, 
277. 

influence of Crusades on, 140. 
Army, feudal, 58. 

Franks', 52. 
Arnold, abbot of Citeaux, 216, 217. 
Arnold of Brescia, 152. 
Ar'nulf, 49. 

Arques (iirk), chateau of, 171, 172. 
Art, 91,275, 276. 
Artois (iir-twa'), 239. 
.\ryan peoples, 13. 
Asca'nian house, 157. 
As'trolabe, introduction of, 277. 
Astronomy, 276. 
At'abek, 131. 
At'tila, 22. 

Augsburg, commerce of, 186. 
Austria, beginnings of, 65, 152, 246, 259. 

Hapsburgs acquire, 246. 
Antun (o-tuN'), 54. 
Auxerre (o-sur'), 54. 
Avars, 32, 63. 

Avignon (a-ven-yoN'), 208, 224, 264, 265. 
A-z6r('s , discovery of, 257. 



286 



INDEX 



Babylonian Captivity, 224, 264. 

Bag-diJd', 116, 118. 

Baldwin of Flanders, 138. 

Baptism, 79. 

Bar'di, commercial compan\', 187. 

Bii'ri, captured bj' Normans, 73. 

Barons, in England, 198, 205, 206. 

Ba'§el, Council of, 269, 270. 

Basques (basks), 71. 

Bava'ria, and Charlemagne, 32, 35. 

early history, 65, 14S, 152, 157. 
Ba-y6n7ie', English possession, 238. 
Beaucaire (bo-kar'), fairs at, 187. 
Beauvais (bo-va'), bishop of, 242. 
Becket, Thomas a, 201. 
Bedford, Duke of, 240, 242. 
Belfry, 181, 182. 
Belisa'rius, 22. 
Ben'edict, Saint, 86. 

Benedict, XIII., Avignon Pope, 266-268. 
Ben-e-dic'tine monks, 87, 88, 89. 
Ben'e-fige, 51-53. 
Benefit of clergy, 78. 
Beneven'to, battle of, 167. 
Ber'gamo, in Lombard League, 155. 
Ber'gen, Hanseatic station in, 188. 
Bern, Joins Swiss Confederation, 249. 
Bernard, Saint, 89, 92, 131. 
Ber-ri', Charles of, 251. 
Bishops, 80-83, 86, 94. 95. 

investiture question, 104-108. 
Black Death, 232-234. 
Black Prince, 231, 234, 235, 237. 
Blanche of Castile, 219. 
Boc-cti'ccio (-cho), 274. 
Bohemia, early history, 63, 66, 247, 248. 

electorate,, 248. 

Hussite revolt in, 258, 268, 269. 
Bo'he-mond, 122. 
Bohmerwald (be'mer-valt), 17. 
Bologna (bo-lon'ya), 92, 149, 155. 
Bon'i-face VIII., Pope. 169, 222. 
Bor-deaux' (-do), 238, 242. 
Bor'gi'a, Csesar, 271, 272. 
Boj'nla, 260. 

Bo§' worth, battle of, 256. 
Bourges (boorzh), French court at, 240. 
BQU-vine.s' , battle of, 163, 204, 214. 
Bramiin'te, 275. 
Bran 'den-burg, 65, 248. 
Brem'en, 187. 
Brenner pass, 17, 186. 
Brescia (bru'shC'-ii), Arnold of, 152. 
Bretigny (bn-ten-yi'), treaty of, 237. 
Bretons (brit'imz'), 32, 71. 
Britain, 191. 

Britons, Celtic, destruction of, 191. 
Brittany, relations to France, 254. 
Bruce, David, 229. 
Bru'gL-s. 182, 186, 188. 
MED. 



Bruns'wick, duchy of, 157. 

Bul-gfi'ri-a, 27, 114, 260. 

Burgun'dian party, in France, 239, 240, 242. 

Burgundians, 21, 35. 

Bur'gundy, Charles of, 251-254, 262. 

Burgundy, duchy seized by king. 254. 

dukes of, 238-242, 251-254. 

kingdom of, 49, 99. 
By-zan'tinf architecture, 89. 
Byzantine Empire, see Eastern Empire. 

Cabochiens (ka-bo-shi-aN'), 239. 

■eaT'ro, 116, 117. 

Ca-lfiM-', 232, 237, 242. 

Calendar, 19, 20. 

Cii'liphs, 24. 

Calix'tus III., Pope, 270. 

Cannon, 232, 242, 277. 

Canon law, 78, 150. 

("anons (clergy), 81. 

Canos'sa, Henry IV. at, 105, 106. 

Canterbury, 83. 

Ca-nutf', i95, 196. 

Ca'pet, Hugh, 71, 211, 212. 

Ca-pe'tian (-.shan) kings, 211. 

Capit'ularies, 19. 35, 36, 38, 51. 

Cardinals, 84, 102. 

Carolin'gian Empire, 32-50. 

Carolingians, 25, 32-50, 42, 44, 70, 71. 

Car-ro'ccio (-cho), 155. 

Carthu'sian (zhan) monks, 89. 

Castile' and Leon, 256, 237. 

Castles, 171, 172, 174, 175, 50, 200. 

Cath'a-ri, 216. 

Cathedrals, 81, 182. 

Catherine of France, 240. 

Catholics, see Church, Pope. 

Celibacy of the clergy, 78, 98, 99, 269. 

Celtic Church, 191. 

Celts, 13. 

Ce-\ijn7ies', 17. 

(^ham-paj/ne'. Count of, 54. 

Chapter, cathedral, 81. 

€haris'mians, 139. 

Qhav'le-miigne, 32-42. 

descendants of, 44. 
Charles IV., Emperor (Charles of Bohemia), 

248, 257. 
Charles of Anjou, 168, 169, 221. 
Charles IV. of France, 224. 
Charles V. of France, 237, 238. 

as Dauphin, 285-237. 
Charles VI. of France, 238, 240. 
Charles VII. of France, 240-243, 251. 
Charles VIII. of France. 254, 255. 
Charles Martel', 24, 26, 52. 
Charles the Bald, of France, 45, 46. 
Charles the Bold, of Burgundy, 251-254, 262. 
Charles the Fat, Emperor. 48, 49. 
Charles the Simple, of France, 48, 49. 



INDEX 



287 



Charter, Great, 205, 206. 

Charter of Henry I. of England, 199. 

Charters, town, 180, 181. 

Chateau Gaillard (sha-to gii-yar'), 172, 214. 

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 274. 

ghivalry, 173, 174. 

Christianity, in 800, 27, 28. 

spread of, 62, 75. 

See Church, etc. 
Chronicles, 19. 
Church, mediaeval, 77-96. 

buildings, 89-91, 182, 215, 275. 

councils, 84, 264-270. 

Eastern and Western, 109, 78, 84, 261. 

feudalism and, 51, 58. 

reform in, 98-108, 268, 269, 271. 

services and worship, 91, 92. 

See Pope, etc. 
Cister'cian (-shan) monks, 89. 
Citeaux (se-t(V), 89. 
Cities or towns, mediaeval, life in, 180-189. 

in France, 180-183, 214, 215. 

in Germany, 158, 186-188. 

in Italy, 149, 153-156, 186. 
Civil law, 149, 150. 
Clair-vaux' (vo'), monastery, 89. 
Clement VII., Avignon Pope, 265. 
Clergy, 77-83, 86, 92, 94, 95. 

celibacy of, 78, 98, 99, 269. 

feudalism and, 52-55. 

investiture of bishops, 104-108. 
Cle'ri-cis Ld'i-cos, 222. 
Clerks (clergy), 78. 
Cler'mont, council of, 120. 
Climate of Europe, 12, 13, 16. 
Clo'vis, 25. 

Cluny (klii-ne') order of, 88, 89, 94, 95. 
Col'et, John, 279. 
Co-lo^rne', 187, 248. 

Columbus, Christopher, and Spain, 257. 
Comets in Middle Ages, 189. 
Commendation, 51. 
Commerce, Crusades influence, 141. 

early routes of, 184-186. 

mediaeval, 183-188. 

Mohammedan, 117. 
Commons, House of, 207. 
Communes, of France, 181. 
Communes, of Italy, 148, 149, 153-156. 
Compass, mariner's, introduction of, 277. 
Compurgation, 195, 203. 
Concor'dat of Worms, 108. 
Concordats of 1418, 208. 
Conrad I. of Germany, 65. 
Conrad II., 99. 
Cunrad III., 182, 145-148. 
Conrad IV., 167. 
Con'ra-din, 167,168. 
Con'stance. C^ouncil of, 267, 268. 

treaty of (1183), l.'.K. 

HAKI)IN(;'S MKT). HIST. 



Constance of Sicily, 158, 164. 

Con'stan-tIn« ihe Great, 20, 21, 85. 

Constantine Pa-l*-ol'o-gus, 261. 

Constantinople, 116, 136, 137, 139, 261. 

Coper'nicus, 276. 

Cor'dova, 116, 117,23. 

Cornwall, Ptichard, Duke of, 246. 

Costume, see Dress. 

Councils of the Church, 84, 264-270. 

Count, 36, 53, 55, 65. 

C;ount Pal'atine, elector, 248. 

Countess Matilda of Tuscany, 105. 

Co?tr-trai', battle of, 222. 

Crecy (cra-se'), battle of, 230-232. 

Crossbowmen, 230. 

Crusades, 119-14:3. 

causes of, 119, 120. 

First Crusade, 120-127. 

Second Crusade, 131, 132. 

Third Crusade, 133-135. 

Fourth Crusade, 135-139. 

later crusades, 139, 140. 

results of, 140-143. 

Albigensian Crnsade, 216, 21T. 
Curfew, 182. 

Cy'prus, and crusaders, 131, 134, 140. 
Czechs (cheks), rebellions of, 258. 

D' A illy (da-ye'), Pierre, 266. 
Damas'cus, 116, 117, 132. 
Dtim-i-et'ta, and crusaders, 139, 140, 220. 
Dan'do-lo, 136, 189. 
Dane'law, 193, 48. 

Danes (Northmen), 193, 195; see Northmen. 
Dan'te, 274. 
Danzig (diin'tsiK), 187. 
Dark Age, 11. 
Dau'phin. 235. 
Dauphine (do-fe-na'), 235. 
De-cre'tum Gra-ti-a'ni, 150. 
De-me&u«', 177. 

Denmark, early history, 28, 75, 162, 188. 
De-si-de'ri-us, Lombard king, 83. 
Dextra'rius, 58. 

Diaz (de'iis), Bartholomew, 257. 
Diet, of Roncaglia, 153. 
Di-nar'ic Alps, 17. 
Di'o-ce-ses, 80-82. 
Di-o-cle'tian (-shan), 20. 
Diplomacy, Byzantine, 115. 
Doge of Venice, 136. 
Dom^g'day Book, 199. 
Dora'inic, Saint, 217. 
Domin'icans, 217-219. 
Donation of Constantine, 85, 86, 277, 
Don'jon, 171, 172. 
Drama, origin of, 92. 
Dress, 41, 176. 

Dii Guesclin (ga-klaN'), Ber-traNrZ', 238. 
Duke, 55, 65, 147. 
17 



2S8 



INDEX 



Dun'stan, 194. 

Dyeing-, in Middle Ages, 176. 

Efd'donueii, 194. 

Karls, 196. 

Eastern Church, 109, 78, 84, 261. 

Eastern Empire, 22-25, 27, 75, 114-116. 

crusaders and, 120, 128, iy6-189. 

fall of, 260, 261. 
]!:chevins (ash-vaN'), 181. 
Ecurnen'ical councils, 84, 264-270. 
E-des'sa, 129, 131. 
Edgar of England, 194. 
Edward I. of England, 206, 207, 223, 140. 
Edward II., 208. 

Edward III., 208, 225, 229-282, 287. 
Edward lY., 255. 
Edward the Confessor, 196, 197. 
Egbert, king of Wessex, 198. 
Egypt, 132, 139, 140. 
Einhard (In 'hart), or Eginhard, 34, 40. 
Elbe Kiver, 18. 
Eleanor of Aquitaine, 213. 
Electors of Empire, 248, 259. 
Emperor, election of, 151, 247, 248, 259. 

Pope and, f^ee roi)e. 

weakness of, 258, 259. 

See Holy Koman Empire, and names of 
emi)erors. 
England (449-1 509), 191-209, 229-244, 255, 256. 

Black Death in, 233. 

feudalism in, 198, 54, 59, 225. 

France and, 229-214. 

government of, 194, 203. 

Hundred Years' War, 229-244. 

literature of, 274. 

population of, 188. 

Wars of the Roses, 242, 
E-ra§'mus, 279, 2S0. 
Erz'ge-b'ir-ge (erts'-), 17. 
Estates, In France, 181, 222. 
Estates-General, 222, 236. 
Eth'elred, 195. 

JSa'eha-rist (or Lord's Supper), 79, 91, 109. 
jE'u-ge'ni-us lY., Pope, 269. 
Europe, geography of, 12-18. 
Eveg'ham, battle of, 206. 
Ex-ar'€/<ate of Ravenna, 24, 25, 26. 
Ex-eheq'«er, EngUsh, 202. 
Exchequer, French, 220. 
Excommunication, 81. 
Extreme unction, sacrament of, 80, 79. 

Fai-ne-iiN^' kings, in France, 25. 
Fairs, 'of Middle Ages, 186, 187, 161. 
Falconry, 174. 
False Decretals, 85, 86. 
Faubourgs (fo-boor'), 181. 
Fe'alty, 56. 

Felix v., anti-popp. 270. 
MED. 



Ferdinand of Ai-agon, 255, 256. 
Feudal government, 58-60, 250. 
Feudal Hfe, 171-189. 
Feudal system, 50-60, 74. 

Crusades influence, 142. 

in England, 198, 225. 

in France, 226. 

in Germany, 225, 246. 

In Palestine, 180. 
Feudal warfare, 57-59. 
Feudatories, see Lords (feudal). 
F/ef, 51-53. 
Field of May, 36, 37. 
Fil-i-o'qne, in Nicene creed, 109. 
Finns, Finland, 27. 
Fist-right, in Germany, 59. 
Flag'ellants, 233. 

Flanders, and France, 221, 229, 254. 
Florence, 176, 271, 272. 
FoNte-nay', battle of, 45,46. 
Food, in Middle Ages, 175, 176, 187, 188. 
France, 46, 48,49; (886-987), 69-71; (987- 
1453), 211-244; (1453-1500), 251-255. 

P,lack Death in, 284. 

cities in, 180-1S3, 214, 215. 

Crusades influence, 142. 

feudalism in, 54, 59, 226. 

Hundred Years' War, 229-244. 

Italy and, 255, 256. 
Francis, Saint, of Assisi, 218. 
Francis'cans, 218. 
Franco 'nia, duchy of, 65. 
Franconian Emperors, 98, 99, 101, 103-108. 
Frankfort (on the Main), 187, 247, 259. 
Franks, 21, 25-27, 32-12. 52. 
" Franks," crusaders. 123; .see Crusades. 
Frederick I., Barbarus'sa, Emperor, 150-159, 

183. 
Frederick II., Emperor, 163-167, 139. 
Frederick III., Emperor, 258, 259. 
Free companies, in France, 237. 
Friars, 89, 217-219. 
Fr/eg'land, 65. 

Gal-i-le'o, 276. 
Gli'ma, Yils'eo da, 25T. 
Ga-ronne' River, 18. 
Gaul, 18, 21. 

General councils, 84, 264-270. 
Gen'o-a, commerce of, 130, 131, 141, 186. 
Geography of Europe, 12-18. 
Ger'bert, Pope Sylvester, II., 68. 
Germanic migrations, 21, 22, 48, 191. 
Germany (843-1024), 46, 48, 49, 63-69 ; (1024- 
1268), 98-110, 145-170; (1254-1500), 
246-249, 251-253, 257-260; see Austria, 
Bavaria, etc. 

cities in, 158, 186-188. 

Crusades influence, 142. 

feudalism in, 54, 59, 225, 246. 



liNDEX 



289 



Germany, government, see Emperor. 

literature of, 158, 2T5. 

mediajval king of, election, 151. 

subdivision of, 157, 1*56, 252. 
Gerson (zhnr-soN'), Jean (zhiiN), 266, 
GAib'el-lineg, 147. 

Glo(<oes'ter, HHm[)hrey, Duke of, 240. 
Godfrey of Bouillon (boo-yoN'), 122, 129. 
Godwin, earl of Wesse.x, 196. 
Golden Bull. '248. 
Gothic architecture, 90, 91. 
Goths, 35, 71 ; see Ostrogoths and Visigoths. 
Gra-nii'da, kingdom of, 256, 257. 
GriiNde ^har-tre?^§e', 89. 
GriiN-soN', battle of, 251. 
Gra'tian (-shi-an), canonist, 150. 
Great Charter of England, 205-206. 
Great Council of England. 207. 
Great Interregnum, 167, 246. 
Great Schism, 265-268. 
Greek Church and Empire, see Eastern. 
Greek fire, 115. 
Greenland, settlement of, 72. 
Grego'rian calendar, 20. 
Greg'ory I., Pope, 25, 110. 
Gregory VI., 99. 

Gregory VII. (Ilildebrand), 99-106, 110. 
(Gregory IX., 164, 166. 
Gregory XII., 266-268. 
Guelfs (gwelfs), 147. 
Vrin-i-mie', 225, 229. 
Guilds, 148, ISJi. 

Gunpowder, introduction of, 277. 
Gu'ten-berG, Johanu, 279. 

Hamburg, 187. 
Ilan'over, 157. 

Ilan-se-at'ic League, 187, 188, 184, 185. 
Ilapsburg Castle, 250. 

Hapsburg house, rise of, 246, 247, 258, 259. 
Ilar-di-ca-nut^', king of England, 196. 
Harold of England, 196-198. 
IIA-io»n'-al-Kash'id, 40. 
Harvey, William, English physician, 276. 
Hastings, battle of, 197. 
He'felo, quoted, 101. 
He-gl'ra, the, 19. 
Henry I. of England, 199. 
Henry II. of England, 200-203, 213, 214. 
Henry III. of England, 206, 220. 
Henry IV. of England, 239. 
Henry V. of England, 239, 240. 
Heury VI. of England, 240, 242. 
Henry VII. of England, 256. 
Henry I. of France, 212. 
Henry I. of Germany, 65. 
Henry II. of Germany, 69. 
Henry III. of Germany, 99, 101. 
Henry IV. of Germany, 101, 103-lOT. 
Henry V. of <Terniany, 10". 
MKI). 



Henry VI. of Germany, 159, 162. 

Henry VII. of Germany, 247. 

Henry the Lion, 152, 155, 156, 157. 

Henrj^ the Navigator, 257. 

Henry the Proud, 146, 147. 

Hep'tar-€hy, in England, 191. 

Ilil'de-brand (Gregory VII.), 99-106, 110. 

Ho'Aen-stau-fen (-stou-), 14(>-170. 

Holy Roman Empire, 67, 74, 98-110; S66 

Emperor, and Germany. 
Hom'age, 56. 
Ilos'pitalers, 130, 131. 
Mngh Ca'pet, 71, 211, 212. 
Humanism, 273. 
Hundred Years' War, 229-244. 
Hunga'rians, 63, 65, 66. 
Hun'gary, 65, 66, 167. 
Huns, 21, 22. 
Huss, John, 258, 267. 
Ilut'ten, Ulrich von (ool'riK fon), 279. 

Iceland, settlement of, 71. 
Iconoclas'tic Controversy, 25, 109. 
Immunity, 36, 53. 78. 88. 
Innocent III., Pope, 135-137, 162, 163, 204,216. 
Innocent IV., 166. 
Inquisition, 218, 219. 
Investiture, 94. 
Investiture Conflict, 104-108. 
l-(Vna, island of, 191. 
Ireland, England conquers, 201, 202. 
I-rG'ne, Eastern Empress, 34. 
Irne'rius of Bologna, 149. 
Iron crown, the, of Italy, 33. 
Isaac An'gelus, 136. 
Isabella of Castile, 257. 
Isabella of France, 240. 
Isau'rian emperors (Eastern Empire), 114. 
Italy (before 887), 21, 22, 24, 47,48; (887- 
1125), 66-69, 72-74, 106; (1125-1504), 
145-170, 226, 255-257, 271-279. 

art of, 275, 276. 

cities in, 148, 149, 153-156, 186. 

literature of, 274. 

Mohammedans in, 63, 72, 73. 

Normans in, 72-74. 

Pvenaissance in, 273-276. 278, 279. 

Jacquerie (zhak-re'), 236. 

Jan'izaries, 260, 261. 

Jeanne (zhan) d'Arc (.Joan of Arc), 240-242. 

Je-rome' of Prague, 267. 

Jerusalem, captured by Turks, 119. 

Crusades, 126, 129, 132, 139, 164, 165. 
Jews, 122. 

Jo-an' of Arc, 240-242. 
John of Burgundy, 239, 240. 
John of England,' 202, 204-206. 
John of France. 234, 235, 237. 
John XXII., Pope, 247. 



290 



INDEX 



John XXIII., Pope, 267, 268., 

Julian calendar, 19. 

Julier (yool'yer) pass, 186. 

Jur.y trial, in England, 203. 

Justin 'ian, 22. 

Jiit^s, invade Britain, 191. 

Keep, of castle, 171, 172. 

King of the Komans, 165. 

Knights, 54, 55, 58, 173, 174. 

Knight's fee, 55. 

Knights Hospitaler of St. John, 130, 131. 

Knights Templar, 130, 131. 

Knights, Teutonic, 130, 131. 

Ko'ran, 23. 

Labor, in Middle Ages, 183, 233. 
Land'fr*e-den (Hint'-). ^.9. 
Land tenure, feudal, 51-53, 56, 57. 
LaN'gr^.s\ 54. 
LiiN-gwe-ddc', 210. 
Lat'er.an Council (1215), 84. 
Latin Eininre of Constantinople, 138. 
Law, development of, 149, 150. 
Lawyers of 12th century, 150. 
Legnano (la-nyii'no), battle of, 155. 
Leo I., Pope, 25, 110. 
Leo III., 34. 
Leo IX., 99, 100. 
Liege (le-azh'), revolt of, 251. 
Life, Crusades influence, 141, 142. 
in mediaeval castle, 171-176, 189. 
in mediaeval Germany, 157, 158. 
in mediifival town, 1S0-1S9, 148, 149. 
of mediaeval peasants. 176-179, 188, 189. 
Literature, Arabian, 117, 118. 
EngUsh, 274. 
German, 158, 275. 
Italian, 274. 

medifeval Latin, 37, 38, 273, 274, 280. 
Loire (hviir) River, 18. 
Lombard League, 154, 155. 
Lombards, 24-26, 33, 35. 
Lom'bardy, 148, 149, 152, 153, 15.5, 156. 
London, Hanseatic station in, 188. 
Longbowmen, 231. 
Lords, feudal, 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 59, 173-176, 

177, 180, 189. 
Lords, House of, Enghsh, 207. 
Lord's Supper, sacrament of, 79, 91. 
'Lor-riiine', 65. 
Lorris', charter of, 180. 
Lothair', Emperor, 45-47. 
Lothair II., Emperor, 145. 
Lothair of France, 70. 
Lotharin-'gia, 65. 

Louis of Bavaria, Em[)eror, 247, 248. 
Louis IV., D'Owtr^-mer', of France, 70. 
Louis VI., 212" 
Louis VII., 132, 213. 214. 
MED. 



Louis VIII., 217. 

Louis IX., 217, 219-221, 140. 

Louis X., 224. 

Louis XI., 251, 254. 

Louis, Duke of Orleans, 239. 

Louis the Child, 49. 

Louis the German, 45, 46. 

Louis the Pious, 45, 85. 

Lii'beck, 156, 187. 

Lu-cerne', joins Swiss Confederation, 249. 

Luxemburg, Henry of. Emperor, 247. 

Luxemburg house^^ 247, 248, 257-259. 

Lv'ons, Council of, 167. 

ft 

Macedonian Emperors, 114. 

Mii-€hi-a-vel'li, 272. 

Ma-dei'ra Islands, discovery of, 257. 

Miio'de-burG, 66. 

Mag'na ■Char'ta, 205, 206. 

Mag'yars. 63. 

Mainz (mints). Archbishop of, 83, 248. 

Mal'ta, 131. 

Man'fred, 167. 

Maniehe'ans, 216. 

Manor, mediaeval, 179. 

Manufactures, Crusades influence, 142. 

mediaeval, 182-185. 

Mohammedan, 117. 
Miin'zi-kert, captured by Turks, 120. 
Marcel', Stephen, 236. 
Marsiglio (mar-sel'ye-o) of Padua, 264. 
Martin IV., Pope, 221. 
Martin V., 268. 
Mary of Burgundy, 254. 
Mass, 79, 91. 

Matilda, Countess, of Tuscany, 101. 
Matilda of England, 200. 
Maximilian I. of Austria, 254, 255, 259. 
May Field, 36, 37. 
Mayors of the [)alace, 25. 
Mc'diatizing, feudal, 59. 
Me'di-ci' (-die), commercial company, 187. 
Medici, ruling family in Florence, 271. 
Mendicant Orders, 217-219. 
Merca 'tor's projection, 278. 
Merchants, in Middle Ages, 187. 
Mer'cia (-shi-a), kings of, 193. 
Merovin'gian kings, 25, 26. 
Messi'na, crusaders at, 133, 134. 
Metropolitan, ecclesiastical, 81. 
Michael An'ge-lo, 275, 276. 
Middle Ages, 11, 12, 281. 
Mil'an, 152-156. 
Min'nesingers, 158. 
3[is'si do/nin'ici, 36. 
Moham'med II. of Turkey, 261. 
Mohammedans, 23, 24, 28, 63, 11&-119, 256, 
257 ; see Tui-ks. 
civilization of, 116-118. 
Monasteries, 87-89, 55. 



INDEX 



291 



Monks, 86-89, 130, 131, 217-219. 

UoNt BlaNc', 16. 

M6n< Q^-nis' pass, 17. 

Mont'fort, Simon de, of England, 206, 207. 

Montfort, Simon de, of France, 216. 

Moors in Spain, 256. 

Mo-ra^', battle of, 251. 

Mora'via, in ninth century, 63. 

Mor-gar'ten, battle of, 249. 

Mo-gc'Ue' River, 17. 

Mosul', atabek of, 131. 

Mu/d'dorf, battle of, 247. 

M u'nieh, 156. 

Niifels (na'fels), battle of, 250. 

Nan'cy, battle of, 254. 

Naples, Charles of Anjou rules, 169, 221. 

France and, 255. 

Frederick II. rules, 165, 166. 

Pope and, 162, 169. 

Spain (and Aragon) and, 255, 257. 
Nar'se§, 23. 
Nassau, Adolf of, 246. 
Na-varr-e', 256. 
Nave, in architecture, 90, 91. 
Navigation, 277. 
Ne'potism, 270. 

XibelungeiUied (ne'bg-loong-en-led), 158. 
Nl-ffp'a, Council of, 84. 

taken by crusaders, 123. 

taken by Turks, 120, 260. 
Nicholas I., Pope, 109, 110. 
Nicholas V., Pope, 270. 
Nobles, see Lords (feudal) . 
Nor'bert, Saint, 148. 
Normandj, 69, 70, 190, 199, 212, 242. 
Normans, 69-72. 

in England, 196-199, 205, 209. 

in southern Italy, 72-74, 106. 
Northmen, 48, 63," 69, 71-74, 193, 195. 
Northumbria, kings of, 193. 
Norway, 28, 75. 
Not're-Dame Cathedral, 215. 
Nov'go-rod (-rot), Hanseatic station in, 188. 
Nunneries, 89. 
Nu'rem-berg, 141, 186. 

O'der Eiver, 18. 
O-do-u'cer, 22. 
Ordeal, 195, 203. 

Or'leanists (15th century), 239, 240. 
Or'le-ans, siege of, 241. 
Orleans, Duke of (Louis), 239. 
Os'trogoths, 22, 23. 
Oth-man', 260. 
Otto I., Emperor, 66-68. 
Otto II., Emperor, 68. 
Otto III., Emperor, 68. 
Otto IV., Emperor, 162, 163. 
Otto of Wittelsbach, 157. 
Ottoman Turks, 260, 261. 
MED. 



see Pope (temporal 



Palace School, 38. 
Pal'a-tlne Count, 248. 
Pal'es-tlne, see Crusades. 
Palfrey, 58. 

Papacy, 77, 83 ; see Pope. 
Papal States, 162 ; 

power of). 
Paris, 215. 

captured (by Northmen), 49 ; (by Fr.), 242. 

rebellion of (1358), 236, 237. 

University of, 92. 
Parishes, 80. 

Parlamen'tum of Italian towns, 149. 
Par-l^,-ment' (-miiN') of Paris, 220. 
Parliament, English, 207. 
P.as'€hal II., Pope, 108. 
Patriarchs, ecclesiastical, 83. 
"Peace," the, 58. 

Peasant revolt in France (1358), 236. 
Penance, SO. 
Pep'in the Short, 26, 32. 
Peter, Saint, and Rome, 83. 
Peter the Hermit, 122. 
Pe'trareh, 274. 
Philip I. of France, 120, 212. 
Philip II., Augustus, 214-216, 133-135, 202, 

204. 
Philip III. of France, 221. 
Philip IV., the Fair, 221-224. 
Philip V. of France, 224. 
Philip VI. of France, 225, 229-232, 234. 
Philip of Swabia, German king, 162, 163. 
Philip the Good, of Burgundy, 240, 242. 
Pignaces (pen-yas')- 176. 
Pilgrims, mediteval, 119. 
Pi'sa, 130, 131, 141, 186. 

Council of, 266. 
Pius II., Pope, 270. 
Plan-tag'e-net kings of England, 200. 
Pointed style of architecture, 90. 
Poitiers (pwa-tya'), battle of, 234, 235. 
Poles and Poland, 66, 162, 166. 
Ponthieu (pox-tye'), 237. 
Pontiff (Supreme) or Pope, 100 ; see Pope. 
Pope (and papacy), 83-86. 

and councils, 84, 266-270. 

and Crusades, 120-122, 135, 139. 

and Eastern Church, 109. 

and Emperoi', 84, 67, 6 
145, 150, 152-156, 159, 

and England, 204, 208. 

and France, 222-224. 

and Franks, 25-27, 33, 34. 

and Guelf party, 147. 

at Avignon, 264, 265. 

decline of papacy, 270, 271. 

election of, 102, 154. 

Great Schism, 265-268. 

powers of, 81, 83-86. 

temporal power of, 24-26, 38, 85, 102, 223. 



85, 96, 98-100, 
0, 163-170, 247. 



292 



INDEX 



Population in Middle Ages, 1S8. 
Portugal, 256, 257. 
Praemunrre, Statute of, 208. 
Pragmatic sanctions, ecclesiastical, 269. 
Prag«^, 248. 

Premonstraten'sian Canons, 148. 
Priests, 78, 79, 80, 86, 92. 
Primate, ecclesiastical, 83. 
Primogeniture, 56, 199. 
Prince of Wales, 206. 
Printing, invention of, 278, 279. 
Priors, 88. 

Procession of the Holy Ghost. 109. 
Pro'kop, Bohemian leader, 258. 
Pi-o-vence' (viiNss'), kingdom in, 49. 
Pi-ovinces, ecclesiastical, 81, 82. 
Provisors, statute of, 208. 
Ptol'emy, geographer, 276. 
Purgator\', 92. 
PjVe-nee§, 17. 

Quadriv'ium, 93. 

Eaph'a-el. 276. 

Eat'is-bon, 65, 141, 186. 

Pvaven'na, 24-26, 33. 

Eay'mond IV., Count of Toulouse, 122. 

Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, 216. 

Eegular clergy, 86. 

Edehs'tag, mediiBval German, 259. 

Eehcs, 19, 92, 137. 

Eeliefs, feudal, 56. 

Ee-naM-saNf<?', 272-280. 

influence of Crusades on, 14:3. 

influence of Italian communes on, 156. 
Eeuchiin (roiK'lin), Johann, 279. 
Eevival of learning, 273, 274. 
E/a-/m§, S3, 84, 241. 
Ehine Uiver, 17, IS. 
Ehodes, held by crusaders, 131, 140. 
Eichard I., €oear de Li-6n', of England, 202, 

204, 133-135. 
Eichard II., 238, 239. 
Eiehanl III., 256. 
E/O'gen-ge-birG'e. 17. 
Eobber barons, 59. 
Eobert II., of France, 212. 
Eobert of Normandy, 122. 199. 
Eobert G«is-car(^', 73, 102, 106. 
Eobertians, 44, 70. 
Eoger I., of Sicily, 73. 
Eoger II., 145. 
Eolf the Ganger, 69. 
Eoman Empire, decay of, 20-22. 

See Eastern limini-e. Western Empire. 
Eomanesque architecture, 90. 
Eome, Commune of (1154), 152. 

map of, 84. 

Otto III. and, 68. 

Pope and, 25. 

MED. 



Eom'ulus Augus'tulus, 22. 

Eon-cag^l'ia, diet of, 153. 

Eoses, Wars of the, 242, 255, 256. 

Rowm, Sultanate of, 120. 

Eoyal domain of France, 211, 212, 217, 254. 

Eudolph I., Emperor, 246. 

Eule, monastic, 86. 

Sacraments, 79, 80. 

St. An'gelo, fortress of, 105. 

St. Bernard passes, 16. 

St. Denis (saN-de-ne'), monastery of, 54, 213. 

St. Gall, monastery of, 88, 87. 

St. Goth'ard, Mt.,'l6. 

St. Peter's Church, in Eome, 275. 

St. Sophi'a, Church of, 90, 261. 

Saints, veneration of, 92. 

SJiFadin, 132, 135. 

Sa'lian Emperors, 98. 

Sal'ic law, 225. 

Saone (son) Eiver, 18. 

Sar'acens, 32 ; see Mohammedans. 

Sardinia, 73. 

Savo'na, proposed conference at, 266. 

Sa-vo-na-rd'la, 271, 272. 

Saxons, 22, 32, 33, 35, 104, 191. 

Saxony, duchy, 65, 148, 157, 248. 

Saxony, electorate, 248. 

Se/iek/t Eiver, 46. 

SoAigm, Great, 265. 

of Council of Basel, 269, 270. 

of East and West, 108, 109. 
S«ho-las'tic philosophy, 94. 
Schwyz (shvets), canton of, 248. 
Science, US, 276, 277. 

Arabian, 118. 
Scotland, Edward I. and, 207. 

Henry II. and, 202. 
Scu'tage, 202. 
Sec'ular clergy, 86, 94. 
Sees, ecclesiastical, 80-82. 
Seigneur (sen'yer), 51. 
Seine (san) Eiver, 18. 
Seljuk'ian Turks, 118-120, 123-127. 
Semit'ic races, 13. 
Sempach (zem'paK), battle of, 250. 
Sen'lac, battle of, 197. 
Sens (siiNss), 54. 
Serfs, 55, 142, 177. 
Servia, 260. 
Service, feudal, 56. 
Sicilian Vespers. 221. 
Sicily, Charles of Anjou rules, 168, 221. 

Frederick II. rules, 165, 166. 

Mohammedans (Saracens) in, 63, 72, 73. 

-Normans in, 73, 74, 145. 

Pope and, 14.5, 162, 168. 

Spain (and Aragon) and, 221. 

See dim Naples. 
Sig'ismund, Emperor, 257. 258, 267. 



INDEX 



293 



Sim'e-6n Sty-ll'teg, 8T. 
Sim'ony, 94, 9S, 99. 
Sitn'plon pass, 16, 17. 
Slavs, 18, 27, 63 ; see Poland. 

German conquest of, 66, 148, 156. 
Sluys (slois), battle of, 280. 
Spain, 2.56-258, 262. 

church reform in, 271. 

Mohammedans in, 24, 75, 256. 

Visigoths in, 21. 
Stephen (ste'ven) of Blois (blw;i), crusader, 

124. 
Stephen of Blois, king of England, 200. 
Striiss'burG, 158. 
Subinfeudation, 54, 55. 
Suger (sii-zhfi'), French minister, 218. 
Suzerain, 56, 59. 
Swu'bia, 65. 
Sweden, 28, 75, 162. 
Sweyn, Danish king of England, 195. 
Switzerland (Swiss Confederation), 248-250, 

254. 
Synods, 81, 805. 

Tam-er-lane', 260. 
Telescope, introduction of, 276. 
Tell, William, 248. 
Templars, 180, 181. 
Teutonic Knights, 130, 131. 
The^-ns, 194. 
TAeIss River, 68. 
Theod'oric the Great, 22. 
Theopha'no, 68. 
Third Estate, 181, 286. 
Thurin'gia (900-1100), 65. 
Time, methods of reckoning, 19, 20. 
Ti-mowr', 260. 
Tithes, 81. 

Titian (tish'an), Venetian painter, 276. 
T6-le'do, 117. 
Tonsure, 78. 

Torto'na, destro5^ed by Frederick I., 152. 
T<,m-\ou§e', and Albigensian Crusade, 217. 
Tournament, 57. 
Towrs, battle of, 24. 
Towns, see Cities. 
Trade, see Commerce. 
Transubstantiation, 79. 
TrC'v^g, archbishop of, elector, 248. 
Trial, modes of, 194, ]95, 203. 
Tripoli (Asia), county of, 129. 
Triv'ium, 98. 
TroM'ba-d<mrs, 216, 217. 
Troyes (trwa), treaty of, 240. 
Truce of God, 5S. 
Tudor, house of, 256. 
Tu'nis, 140. 
Tura'nian peoples, 18. 
Turks, C'harismiaii. take .Terusalem, 139. 
Turks,, Ottonaan, 2r,0, ^(U. 
]vii:i). 



Turks, Seljukian, 118-120, 123-127. 
Tuscan League, 154. 
Tus'cany, lUl. 
Tyler, Wat, 283. 

Ulm, 186. 

U'nam 8((nc'tam, papal bull, 223. 

Universities, median-al, 92-94. 

Un-ter-wiil'den (-viiF-), canton of, 249. 

U'rals, 17. 

Ur'ban II., Pope, 92, 107, 120, 121. 

Urban VI., 265. 

U'ri, canton of, 248. 

Usufructuary tenures, 51. 

Va'lens, Eastern Emperor, 21. 

Val'la, Lorenzo, 277. 

Valois (val-wa'), house of, 225. 

Vandals, 21, 28. 

Varan'gian guard, 115. 

Vassalage, 50, 51, 56, 57; see Serfs. 

Ven'ice, art in, 276. 

commerce of, 180, 181, 188, 141, 186. 

Fourth Crusade, 135-139. 

in Lombard League, 155. 

treaty of (1177), 156. 
Ver-duN', partition of, 46, 47. 
Vik'ings, 40, 68, 71, 72. 
Vil'leins, 55, 56, 177-179 ; see Serfs. 
Vil'lenage, effects of Black Death on, 283. 
Vinci (vln'che), Leonar'doda, 276. 
Vinland, Northmen in, 72. 
Vig'igoths, 21, 22. 
Vosges (vozh) Mts., 17. 

Walclen'seg, 216. 

Wales, annexed to England, 206. 

Walter the Penniless, 122. 

Wed 'more, treaty of, 193. 

Welf, house of, 146, 147, 156, 157, 162. 

Wenzel (vent'sel), Emperor, 257, 258. 

Weser (va'zer) Kiver, 65. 

Wessex, kingdom of, 193. 

Western Empire, 22, 38-87, 40, 44-50 ; s 

Holy Roman Empire. 
Whit'by, synod of, 191. 
William I., conqueror of England, 196-199. 
William II., Rufus, of England, 199. 
William of the Iron Arm, 73. 
Wisby (vis'bii), and Hanseatic League, Is 
Wit'an, 194. 

Wittelsbach (vit'tgls-baK), house of, 157. 
Worms (vorms), Concordat of, 108. 
Wyc'lif, John, 208, 209, 267, 274. 

Xi-me'neg (zi-), Archbishop, 257, 271. 

Zach-a-rl'as, Pope, 26. 

Zis'ka, John, Bohemian leader. 25<5. 

Zu'rieh, joins Swiss Confederation, 249, 



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